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THE    PSYCHOLOGY  OF  ^, 
PLAY  ACTIVITIES        ^ 


i  BY 

HARVEY  C.  LEHMAN 

AND 

PAUL  A.  WITTY 

School  of  Education,  University  of  Kansas 


NEW  YORK 

A.  S.. BARNES  AND  COMPANY 

1927 


Copyright  1927  by 
A.  S.  BARNES  AND  COMPANY 


PLEASE  NOTE 


It  has  been  necessary  to  replace  some  of  the  original 
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Replacement  of  damaged  materials  is  both  expensive  and 
time-consuming.  Please  handle  this  volume  with  Ccire  so 
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Thank  you  for  helping  to  preserve  the  University's 
research  collections. 


PREFACE 

One  of  the  great  contributions  of  psychology  to  education  has  been 
emphasis  upon  individual  differences.  Through  extended  research,  we 
have  learned  much  regarding  what  to  expect  of  children  of  various 
stages  of  development.  The  intelligence  test  and  its  educational  cor- 
ollary, the  standardized  educational  test,  have  effected  a  more  intelli- 
gent and  satisfactory  adjustment  of  the  child  to  his  school  life.  Dif- 
ferentiated education  is  the  result  of  the  recognition  of  the  variability 
of  human  beings  in  mental  ability  and  consequent  educational  attain- 
ment. The  dissemination  of  knowledge  regarding  individual  differences 
gleaned  from  intelligence  tests  has  been  a  potent  factor  in  effecting 
reorganization  of  school  practices. 

Individual  differences  in  mental  development  are,  however,  only  a 
small  portion  of  total  human  variation.  Some  insist  that  the  more 
important  variables  conditioning  individual  adjustment  are  associated 
with  certain  personality  traits.  The  temperamental  traits  constituting 
personality  are  not  amenable  to  any  psychological  refinement  of 
standardization.  They  depend  upon  the  child's  condition  as  a  unit, 
resulting  from  his  heredity  and  all  of  the  environmental  factors  acting 
upon  him  during  the  growth  period.  Though  not  directly  measurable 
through  the  tools  now  available,  these  personality  traits  are  reflected 
in  certain  forms  of  behavior.  One  t3^e  of  behavior  of  paramount  sig- 
nificance in  determining  a  child's  adjustment  is  his  play. 

The  activities  to  which  children  and  adults  spontaneously  turn  in 
their  leisure  are  becoming  increasingly  significant  features  of  present- 
day  life.  The  present  standard  of  living  has  resulted  not  only  in 
greater  material  comfort  and  more  leisure  for  the  wealthy  but  it  has 
made  possible  a  diffusion  of  the  gains  of  civilization  providing  greater 
material  comfort  and  greater  leisure  for  the  masses. 

Since  the  year  1889  the  personnel  required  to  produce  a  unit  of 


iv  PREFACE 

manufactured  product  has  decreased  33  per  cent.  This  increased  ef- 
ficiency makes  for  a  higher  standard  of  living  which  in  turn  increases 
human  efficiency.  Thus  an  unending  circle  is  produced,  increased  pro- 
duction resulting  in  a  higher  standard  of  living  and  the  higher  standard 
of  living  resulting  in  further  increase  of  production.  It  is  inevitable 
that  the  time  and  money  devoted  to  leisure  occupations  will  increase 
as  time  goes  on. 

It  is  felt  by  many  that  much  present-day  maladjustment  results 
from  the  unwise  choice  of  leisure-time  activities.  It  is,  of  course, 
obvious  that  educators  should  assume  the  responsibility  of  training 
children  for  profitable  use  of  leisure.  The  first  step  in  such  a  pro- 
cedure implies  an  accurate  accounting  of  what  children  actually  do  in 
their  leisure  time.  The  second  step  implies  an  evaluation  of  the  mul- 
titudinous activities  of  childhood  in  terms  of  their  individual  or  socia' 
worth. 

The  play  life  of  children  constitutes  a  significant  part  of  their 
leisure-time  activity;  detailed  knowledge  of  play  should  form  a  salient 
feature  of  any  thorough-going  attempt  to  evaluate  leisure-time  activi- 
ties. 

The  present  writers  have  attempted  to  discover:  (1)  the  games 
and  other  play  activities  most  commonly  engaged  in  by  persons  fror  j 
five  to  twenty-two  years  of  age  residing  in  certain  communities:  (2) 
the  games  and  other  play  activities  these  individuals  liked  best;  (3) 
the  games  and  other  play  activities  on  which  these  individuals  thought 
they  had  spent  the  largest  amount  of  time;  and  (4)  the  effect  on  play 
behavior  of  such  variables  as  age,  sex,  race,  season,  intelligence,  com- 
munity, etc. 

The  modification  or  the  elimination  of  unwholesome  desires  with 
provision  for  satisfying  wholesome  desires  must  be  reserved  until  de 
cision  in  reference  to  "wholesome"  and  "unwholesome"  activities  has 
been  agreed  upon.  Popular  opinion  assumes  a  given  activity  eithti 
to  be  desirable  or  undesirable.  It  may  be  that  the  amount  of  time  and 
energy  devoted  to  a  given  activity  is  a  fairly  reliable  criterion  of  t'^ 
desirability  of  that  activity.  Practical  observation  seems  to  indic&t 
that  moderation  is  desirable  in  many  activities.  Similarly  social  ac- 
tivities are  often  assumed  to  be  wholly  desirable.     Common  sense 


PREFACE  V 

would  seem  to  support  the  thesis  that  though  it  is  necessary  for  the 
child  to  mingle  with  other  children  in  order  to  learn  how  to  get  along 
with  other  people,  it  is  desirable  that  he  be  alone  a  part  of  the  time  in 
order  that  individuality  may  develop  to  its  maximum. 

Lack  of  adequate  technique  heretofore  has  militated  against  meas- 
urement of  the  extent  to  which  a  given  child  mingles  with  other  chil- 
dren. Obviously  there  is  need  to  account  for  the  child's  social  con- 
tacts. Deviation  from  normal  in  respect  to  social  participation  will 
be  intelligible  to  the  student  of  education  only  when  it  is  measured 
quantitatively.  Qualitative  expression  of  deviation  is  no  longer  satis- 
factory. The  present  study  represents  but  a  beginning  of  quantita- 
tive measurement  of  play  behavior. 

The  present  writers  are  under  obligation  to  former  teachers  and 
colleagues  who  stimulated  the  series  of  investigations  and  subsequent 
interpretations.  The  first-named  author  wishes  to  acknowledge  his 
indebtedness  to  Professor  Charles  H.  Judd  for  suggestion  of  the  initial 
study.  He  is  greatly  indebted  also  to  Professor  Frank  H.  Freeman 
for  encouragement  and  valuable  suggestions  given  during  the  time 
that  he  was  engaged  in  working  out  a  doctor's  dissertation  on  this 
subject.  The  second-named  author  who  collaborated  in  the  last  in- 
vestigation and  the  interpretation  of  the  data  wishes  to  acknowledge 
his  indebtedness  to  his  former  teachers  of  Educational  Psychology  at 
Columbia  University  whose  opinions  are  reflected  frequently  through- 
out the  book. 

Both  authors  are  indebted  to  Dean  Raymond  A.  Schwegler  of  the 
University  of  Kansas  for  his  frequent  and  helpful  advice.  They  wish 
to  express  their  sincere  thanks  to  the  various  public  school  officials 
who  granted  facilities  for  the  researches.  They  are  obligated  especially 
to  Mr.  Lawson  Wise  of  the  Kansas  City,  Kansas,  public  schools,  and 
to  Mr.  George  Melcher  of  the  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  public  schools 
for  cooperation  granted  so  willingly.  The  authors  take  pleasure  in 
acknowledging  the  courtesy  of  the  editors  of  the  following  publications 
for  permission  to  reproduce  material  that  has  previously  appeared  in 
print:  The  Pedagogical  Seminary,  The  Psychological  Review,  Supple- 
mentary Educational  Monographs  (Department  of  Education  of  The 
University  of  Chicago),  Education,  The  High  School  Quarterly,  The 
Playground,  The  Educational   Review,  The  Journal  of  Educational 


vi  PREFACE 

Method,  Childhood  Education,  The  Journal  of  Religious  Education, 
The  Journal  of  Educational  Psychology,  The  Journal  of  Applied  Psy- 
chology, The  American  Physical  Education  Review,  and  The  Journal 
of  Rural  Education. 

Harvey  C.  Lehman. 

Paul  A.  Witty, 

The  University  of  Kansas, 
January,  1927. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    Changing  Attitudes  Toward  Play  ....         i 

Franke's  attitude  toward  play.  Attitude  of  M.E.  Churcii  in  1792. 
Folly  of  trying  to  suppress  play  impulse.  Play  a  direct  educative 
agent.  Flay  a  mechanism  of  individual  adjustment.  Play  a 
socializing  force.     References. 

~-Ut/II.    Theories  Which  Seek  to  "Explain"  Play  .      .         7 

Play  a  complex  phenomenon.  The  Schiller-Spencer  Surplus 
Energy  Theory.  Schiller's  position.  Spencer's  discussion  of  play. 
Unfair  criticisms  of  Spencer's  theories.  Summary  of  Spencer's 
discussion.  Other  theories.  Karl  Groos'  practice  theory.  Groos' 
doctrine  of  catharsis.  Play  as  recapitulation  (G.  Stanley  Hall). 
Play  the  result  of  the  ripening  of  instinct  (Wm.  McDougall). 
Miss  Appleton's  biological  theory  of  play.  Two  Freudian  theo- 
ries of  play.  The  compensatory  function  of  play  (E.  S.  Robin- 
son). The  recreation  or  relaxation  theory  of  play  (Guts  Muths, 
G.  T.  W.  Patrick).  Complete  quiescence  unnatural  (John 
Dewey).     The  present  writers'  concept  of  play.     References. 

\/lll.    Techniques  Previously  Employed  in  Studying 

Play  Behavior 27 

Devices  previously  used  for  identification  of  play  activities, 
(a)  The  questionnaire  method  (Monroe,  Croswell).  (b)  Check- 
ing activities  from  a  printed  list  (McGhee,  Terman).  (c)  Direct 
personal  observation  (Chase,  Miss  Ruth  Andrus).  Limitations 
of  the  method  of  direct,  personal  observation.  (d)  Pooling  or 
averaging  opinions  (Naismith).  (e)  Recreational  surveys.  Ref- 
erences. 

IV.    The  Method  Employed  in  the  Series  of  Inves- 
tigations Reported  Herein  .    '.      .      .       35 

Purposes  of  the  present  study.  Development  of  the  Flay  Quiz. 
Preliminary  investigations.  Modification  of  the  preliminary  tech- 
nique. The  list  of  200  activities  comprising  the  Play  Quiz. 
Schools    studied.      Number   of  individuals   included.     References. 

—V.    General  Age  Growth 44 

The  problem  of  periodicity  in  general.  Early  attempts  at  clas- 
sification of  child  development  on  the  basis  of  age  growth. 
Attempts  at  classification  of  growth  stages  in  play  behavior.  Re- 
sults of  recent  investigations.  Continuity  of  growth.  Play  activi- 
ties engaged  in  by  more  than  25  per  cent  of  boys  of  ages  8^  to 

vii 


viii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

23  inclusive.  Play  activities  participated  in  by  more  than  25  per 
cent  of  girls  of  ages  85^2  to  22  inclusive.  Rank  in  frequency  of 
play  activities  most  commonly  engaged  in  by  individuals  of  var- 
ious age  levels.  Rank  in  frequency  of  play  activities  best  liked 
by  individuals  of  various  age  levels.  Number  of  play  activities 
participated  in  by  individuals  of  various  age  levels.  Evidence 
of  transitoriness  in  play  behavior.  Indices  of  social  participa- 
tion for  various  age  levels.  Ages  of  maximum  play  interest. 
Group  variability  at  various  age  levels.  Plays  and  games  of. 
young  children.  Conservatism  in  play  of  older  children  and' 
adults.    References.  ', 

v-*^I.    The    Play    Preferences    of    Children    Below 

Grade   III    .      .      . 77 

Method  employed  in  studying  the  play  behavior  of  young  chil- 
dren. Rank  in  frequency  of  activities  best  liked  by  young 
children.  Individual  differences.  Sex  differences.  Need  of  redi- 
rection of  impulses.     The  desire  to  "help."     References. 

VIL    Sex  Differences      .      .      .      .      .      .      .      .      -83 

Popular  concepts.  Sex  differences  in  play.  Specific  activities  in 
which  conspicuous  sex  differences  are  revealed.  Specific  activi- 
ties in  which  slight  sex  differences  only  are  exhibited.  Types  of 
activities  participated  in  by  both  sexes  from  ages,  %%  to  I2j^ 
inclusive.  Types  of  activities  in  which  conspicuous  sex  differ- 
ences are  found.  Ages  sJ^  to  $%  inclusive.  Ages  8^  to  izj^ 
inclusive,  (i)  Activities  involving  muscular  dexterity,  skill,  and 
strength.  (2)  Competitive  activities.  (3)  Sedentary  activities 
and  activities  involving  restricted  range  of  action.  (4)  Activi- 
ties involving  indirect  responses,  the  use  of  language,  etc. 
Reading  activities.  Hiding  games.  Conservative  games.  Rank 
in  frequency  of  activities  to  which  individuals  of  various  age  \ 
■  levels  devoted  the  most  time.  Ages  of  greatest  sex  differences. 
Elimination  of  certain  activities  as  chronological  age  advances. 
References. 

Vril.    A  Comparison  of  the  Play  Activities  of  Town 

and  Country  Children   .      .      .      .      .      .      io8 

Current  opinion.  Significant  differences.  Rank  in  frequency  of 
activities  most  commonly  engaged  in.  Activities  best  liked  by 
country  boys  and  girls.  Median  number  of  activities  engaged  in. 
The  singing  and  whistling  of  town  and  country  children.  Ref- 
erences. 

IX.    Race  Differences  in  Play  Behavior    (Negro 

AND  White  Children) 132 

Race  differences  in  traits  other  than  play.  Pla:^  activities  most 
commonly  participated  in  by  Negro  children  and  by  white  chil- 
dren. Race  differences  in  participation  in  group  activities.  Dif- 
ferences in  "Playing  school."  Church  and  Sunday  school  attend- 
ance of  Negro  children.  Race  differences  in  boxing.  The  Nef^ro 
child's  interest  in  writing  poetry.  The  Negfo  child's  play  a  func- 
tion of  his  social  and  economic  status.    References. 


CONTENTS  ix 


PAGE 


X.    Some  Other  Variables  Which  Influence  Play     164 

Play  a  phenomenon  of  many  variables.  Present  status  of  the 
tendency  to  collect  and  hoard.  Comparison  with  C.  F.  Burk's 
investigation.  Variation  in  play  behavior  from  year  to  year, 
(a)  Turning  handsprings,  cartwheels,  etc.  (b)  Marbles,  (c) 
Jacks.  Influence  of  home  training.  Playground  space  and  equip- 
ment.   References. 

^Xl.    Individual  Differences  in  Play  Behavior  .      .      188 

The  problem  of  individual  differences  in  general.  Difficulty  of 
ascertaining  deviations  in  personal  interests.  Percentages  of  m- 
dividuals  of  various  age  levels  participating  in  various  numbers 
of  activities.  Indices  of  social  participation  of  individuals  of 
various  age  levels.  Miss  W^annamaker's  attempts  at  corrective 
play  adjustments.     References. 

XII.    Play  Activity  and  the  Seasons  of  the  Year     .      196 

Play  activities  which  show  practically  no  seasonal  change. 
Highly  seasonal  activities.  Activities  only  partially  subject  to 
seasonal  change.     Sex  differences  in  seasonal  play.     References. 

XIII.  Play  Activity  and  School  Progress    ....      203 

Attitudes  toward  the  acceleration  of  young  children  (Holmes, 
Klapper,  Freeman).  Mean  number  of  activities  engaged  in 
versus  chronological  age.  Social  participation  versus  chronolog- 
cal  age.  Social  participation  versus  progress  quotients.  Mean 
number  of  activities  engaged  in  versus  progress  quotients.  Ref- 
erences. 

XIV.  Play  and  Intelligence 212 

Mean  number  of  activities  engaged  in  versus  mental  age.  In- 
dices of  social  participation  versus  mental  age.  The  play 
behavior  of  fifty  gifted  children.     References. 

XV.    Play  in  Relation  to  Education  and  Vocational 

Guidance 224 

Supervision  of  play.  Guidance  for  the  extremely  solitary  and 
the  extremely  social  child.  Curriculum  construction.  The  prob- 
lem of  interest  and  vocational  guidance.     References. 

Index  of  Authors  and  Names 237 

Index  of  Topics 239 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FIGURE  PAGE 

1.  The  number  of  different  play  activities  engaged  in  by  boys  and 

girls  of  various  ages.    Average  of  findings  from  three  separate 
investigations.    Dispersion  of  the  two  middle  quartiles  ...       58 

2.  Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  who  jumped  rope  during  the  course 

of  a  week .  60 

3.  Ages  at  which  more  than  25%  of  girls  engage  in  various  activities  61 

4.  Ages  at  which  more  than  25%  of  boys  engage  in  various  activities  64 

5.  Ages  at  which  various  play  curves  drop  below  the  25%   level. 

Data  for  girls  only 66 

6.  Ages  at  which  various  play  curves  drop  below  the  25%   level. 

Data  for  boys  only 67 

7.  Relationship  between  index  of  social  participation  and  chrono- 

logical   age    .      '. 69 

8a.  The  number  of  play  curves  which  reach  their  peaks  at  various  age 

levels.     Data   for  boys  only 70 

8b.  The  number  of  play  curves  which  reach  their  peaks  at  various  age 

levels.    Data  for  girls  only 70 

9.    Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  went   to   the 

movies 110 

10.  Percentages  of  town  and  country  boys  who  went  hunting     .      .      HI 

11.  Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  rode  bicycles     .     114 

12.  Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  rode  horseback        115 

13.  Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  climbed  porches, 

trees,  fences,  etc 116 

14.  Percentages  of   town  and  country  children  who    played   black- 

man    118 

15.  Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  played  anty-over     119 

16.  Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  played  teeter- 

totter        ...     120 

17.  Median  number  of  play  activities  engaged  in  by  town  versus  rural 

boys 122 

18.  Median  number  of  play  activities  engaged  in  by  town  versus  rural 

girls 123 

19.  Percentages  of  town  children  who  engaged  in  "Just  singing"   .      .     126 

20.  Percentages  of  town  children  who  engaged  in  whistling     .     .     .     127 


xii  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 


2L    Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  engaged  in  whistling     128 
22.    Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  engaged  in  "Just 

singing" 130 

25.  Relationship  between  chronological  age  and  the  index  of  social 
participation.  Racial  differences  in  the  index  of  social  partici- 
pation        143 

24.  Percentages  of  Negro  children  versus  white  children  who  engaged 

in  "Playing  school" 144 

25.  Percentages  of  boys  of  various  age  levels  who  attended  and  en- 

joyed Sunday  school  during  the  course  of  one  week  .      .      .     149 

26.  Percentages  of  girls  of  various  age  levels  who  attended  and  en- 

joyed Sunday  school  during  the  course  of  one  week  ....     149 

27.  The  boxing  of  Negro  boys  versus  white  boys,  by  seasons  .      .      .     154 

28.  The  boxing  of  Negro  boys  versus  white  boys.    Average  of  results 

obtained  from  three  separate  investigations  of  town  children  and 

one  study  of  country  children 155 

29.  Percentages  of  white  children  and  of  Negro  children  who  engaged 

in  writing  poems.    Composite  results  of  four  studies  .     .      .      .     157 

30.  Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  who  collected  stamps,  birds'  eggs, 

etc 167 

31.  Percentages    of    town   boys   of    various   age   levels   who    played 

marbles 173 

32.  Percentages   of    town   boys    of   various   age   levels   who   played 

marbles.    Results  of  three  separate  investigations     .      .      .      .     174 

33.  Percentages  of  town  boys  versus  rural  boys  who  played  marbles  .     175 

34.  Percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  versus  other  town  boys  who  played 

marbles •      •     176 

35.  Percentages  of  Negro  boys  versus  white  boys  who  played  marbles     177 

36.  Percentages  of  Negro  girls  versus  white  girls  who  played  jacks  .     179 

37.  Percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  versus  other  town  boys  who  engaged 

in  basket  ball 181 

38.  Percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  versus  other  town  boys  who  played 

football 182 

39.  Percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  versus  other  town  boys  who  played 

baseball  with  an  indoor  ball  or  with  a  playground  ball  .      .      .     185 

40.  Relationship   between    chronological   age  and   mean    number   of 

play  activities  engaged  in 206 

41.  Relationship  between  index  of  social  participation  and  chrono- 

logical age 206 


LIST  OF  TABLES 

NO.  PAGE 

I.    Number  of  individuals  of  grade  III  or  above  included  in 

six  investigations  of  play 42 

II.    Number  of  children  below  grade  III  included  in  three 

investigations  of  play 43 

III.  Play  activities  engaged  in  by  more  than  25%  of  boys 

of  ages  eight  to  twenty-two  inclusive 49  f. 

IV.  Play  activities  participated  in  by  25%  or  more  of  girls 

of  ages  eight  to  twenty-two  inclusive  .....       50 
V-a.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
most  commonly  engaged  in  by  the  boys,  eight  to  fif- 
teen years  of  age 51 

V-b.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
most  commonly  engaged  in  by  the  young  men  six- 
teen years  of  age  or  older 52 

Vl-a.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
most  commonly  engaged  in  by  the  gir-ls  eight  to  fif- 
teen years  of  age 53 

Vl-b.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
most  commonly  engaged  in   by  the  young  women 

sixteen  years  of  age  or  older 54 

Vll-a.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

liked  best  by  the  boys  eight  to  fifteen  years  of  age      .       55 
Vll-b.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
liked  best  by  the  young  men  sixteen  years  of  age  or 

older 56 

Vlll-a.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

liked  best  by  the  girls  eight  to  fifteen  years  of  age       .       57 
Vlll-b.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
liked  best  by  the  young  women  sixteen  years  of  age 

or  older 57 

xiii 


xiv  LIST  OF  TABLES 

NO.  PAGE 

IX.  The  number  of  different  play  activities  indulged  in  by 
persons  of  different  ages.  Data  for  all  three  seasons 
taken  collectively.     Dispersion   of   the  two   middle 

quartiles 59 

X.  Key  to  Figure  3.  (Activities  listed  in  the  order  in 
which  they  drop  below  the  25%  level  in  frequency 
of  participation.    Data  for  girls  only)       ....       62 

XI.  Key  to  Figure  4.  (Activities  listed  in  the  order  in 
which  they  drop  below  the  25%  level  in  frequency 
of  participation.  Data  for  boys  only)  ....  65 
XII.  Play  data  for  6,886  children.  Chronological  age  versus 
mean  index  of  social  participation.  Mean  number 
of  activities  engaged  in 68 

XIII.  The  age  levels  at  which  the  play  curves  reach  their 

peaks 71 

XIV.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

'     liked"  best  by  boys  below  the  third  grade  ....       78 
XV.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

liked  best  by  girls  below  the  third  grade       ...       79 
XVI,    Some  of  the  things  which  primary  children  like  to  do 

when  at  home 81 

XVII.    Play  activities  more  frequently  participated  in  by  boys 

than  by  girls  at  practically  every  age       ....       85 
XVIII.    Play  activities  more  frequently  participated  in  by  girls 

than  by  boys  at  practically  every  age       ....       86 
XIX.    Play  activities  which  are  participated  in  about  as  fre- 
quently by  one  sex  as  by  the  other 87 

XX.    Types  of  play  activities  commonly  participated  in  by 

children  of  ages  eight  to  twelve  inclusive       ...       88  ff. 
XXI.    How  activity  No.  66,  "Reading  books,  just  for  fun," 

ranked  in  popularity 97 

XXII.    How  activity  No.  66,  "Reading  books,  just  for  fun," 

ranked  in  time  consumed 98 

XXIII.    Percentages  of  individuals  of  various  age  levels  who 

stated  that  "Reading  books,  just  for  fun,"  was  one  of 

their  three  favorite  leisure-time  activities       ...       99 

XXIV.    Percentages  of  individuals  of  various  age  levels  who 

indicated  that  "Reading  books,  just  for  fun,"  con- 


LIST  OF  TABLES  xv 

NO.  PAGE 

sumed  more  of  their  leisure   time  than  any  other 

activity  of  the  Play  Quiz 99 

XXV-a.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities  to 
which  boys  eight  to  fifteen  years  of  age  thought  they 

had  given  the  most  time 100 

XXV-b.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities  to 
which  young  men  sixteen  years  of  age  or  older  thought 

they  had  given  the  most  time 101 

XXVI-a.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
to  which  girls  eight  to  fifteen  years  of  age  thought 

they  had  given  the  most  time 102 

XXVI-b.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
to  which  young  women  sixteen  years  of  age  or  older 
thought  they  had  given  the  most  time    ....     103 
XXVII.    Percentages  of   the    200  activities  of   the   Play   Quiz 

engaged  in  by  less  than  1%  of  individuals       .      .      .     105 
XXVIIL    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

most  commonly  engaged  in  by  country  boys  .      .      .     112 
XXIX.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

most  commonly  engaged  in  by  country  girls  .      .      .      112 
XXX.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

liked  best  by  country  boys 113 

XXXI.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

liked  best  by  country  girls  .      . 113 

XXXII.  Number  of  Negro  children  included  in  four  investiga- 
tions of  play  . 133 

XXXIII.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

most  commonly  engaged  in  by  white  boys  eight  to 
seventeen  years  of  age.  January,  1926.  Kansas 
City,  Missouri 134 

XXXIV.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 

most  commonly  engaged  in  by  Negro  boys  eight  to 
fifteen  years  of  age.     January,  1926.     Kansas  City, 

Missouri 135 

XXXV.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
most  commonly  engaged  in  by  white  girls  eight  to 
seventeen  years  of  age.  January,  1926.  Kansas 
City,  Missouri 136 


XVI 


LIST  OF  TABLES 


NO.  PAGE 

XXXVI,  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
most  commonly  engaged  in  by  Negro  girls  eight  to 
fifteen  years  of  age.    January,  1926.     Kansas  City, 

Missouri ,      .      .     137 

XXXVII.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
liked  best  by  white  boys  eight  to  seventeen  years 
of  age.     January,  1926.     Kansas  City,  Missouri   .     138 
XXXVIII.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
liked  best  by  Negro  boys  eight  to  fifteen  years  of 
age.    January,  1926.    Kansas  City,  Missouri  .  .      .     138 
XXXIX.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
liked  best  by  white  girls  eight  to  seventeen  years  of 
age.    January,  1926.    Kansas  City,  Missouri     .      .     139 
XL.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
liked  best  by  Negro  girls  eight  to  fifteen  years  of 
age.    January,  1926.    Kansas  City,  Missouri     .     .     139 
XLI.    Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
to  which  white  boys  of  ages  eight  to  seventeen  gave 
the  largest  amount  of  time.    January,  1926.    Kansas 

City,   Missouri 140 

XLII.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
to  which  Negro  boys  of  ages  eight  to  fifteen  gave 
the  largest  amount  of  time.  January,  1926.  Kan- 
sas City,  Missouri 140 

XLIII.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
to  which  white  girls  of  ages  eight  to  seventeen  gave 
the  largest  amount  of  time.  January,  1926.  Kan- 
sas City,  Missouri 141 

XLIV.  Rank  in  frequency  of  games  and  other  play  activities 
to  which  Negro  girls  of  ages  eight  to  fifteen  gave 
the  largest  amount  of  time.  January,  1926.  Kan- 
sas City,  Missouri 141 

XLV.    Mean  indices  of  social  participation  for  each  of  four 

groups  of  children 142- 

XLVI.  Percentages  of  Negro  children  whose  indices  of  social 
participation  reach  or  exceed  the  medians  of  white 

children 142 

XLVII.    Percentages  of  white  and  Negro  boys  and  girls  who 

engaged  in  "Playing  school" 146 


LIST  OF  TABLES 


xvii 


NO.  PAGE 

XLVIII.    Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  various  age  levels  who 
attended  and  enjoyed  Sunday  school  during  the  course 

of  one  week 150 

XLIX.    Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  various  age  levels  who 
attended  and  enjoyed  church   or   mass   during  the 

course  of  one  week 150 

L.    Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  various  age  levels  who 
mention  "Going  to  church  or  to  mass,"  as  one  of 

their  three  favorite  activities 151 

LI.    How  activity  No.  44,  "Going  to  church  or  to  mass," 

ranked  among  200  activities  in  popularity     .      .      .      151 
LII.    Percentages   of   boys  and   girls   of   various  age   levels 

who  engaged   in   "Playing   church" 152 

LIII.    Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  various  age  levels  who 

engaged  in  "Playing  Sunday  school" 152 

LIV.    Percentages  of  Negro  boys  and  white  boys  who  partici- 
pated in  boxing 156 

LV.    Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  various  age  levels  who 

wrote  poems  "just  for  fun" 158 

LVI.    Percentages  of  white  children  and  Negro  children  who 
wrote  poems  "just  for  fun."     Composite  results  of 

four  separate  investigations 158 

LVII-a.    Percentages   of   boys   of   various   age  levels   who   col- 
lected stamps,  birds'  eggs,  etc 167 

LVII-b.    Percentages  of   girls  of   various   age   levels   who   col- 
lected stamps,  birds'  eggs,  etc 168 

LVIII.    Percentages  of  white  children  and  of  Negro  children 

who  engaged  in  "Turning  handsprings,  cartwheels,  etc.     171 
LIX.    Percentages  of  white  children  and  of  Negro  children 

who   played   jacks 180 

LX.    Number  of   children  of  Lawrence,  Kansas,  included  in 

three   investigations   of  play 187 

LXI.    Number  of  individuals  included  in  the  investigation  of 
January,  1926,  whose  data  were  tabulated  and  used 
in  the  construction  of  200  graphs  of  play  behavior     187 
LXII.    Percentages  of  boys  of  various  age  levels  who  engaged 

in  a  given  number  of  play  activities      .      .      .      .     190 
LXIII.    Percentages  of  girls  of  various  age  levels  who  engaged 

in  a  given  number  of  play  activities 191 


XVlll 


LIST  OF  TABLES 


N°-  PAGE 

LXIV.    Percentages  of  children  of  various  age  levels   having 

various  indices  of  social   participation    .      .      .      .192 
LXV.    Play    activities    which    show    practically    no    seasonal 

change ....     196 

LXVI.    Seasonal  play  activities 197 f. 

LXVII.    Activities  somewhat  subject  to  seasonal  change  .      .      .     199 
LXVIII.    Play  data  for  6,886  children.    Chronological  age  versus 
mean  index  of  social  participation.     Mean  number 

of  activities  engaged  in 207 

LXIX.    Play  data  for  6,374  children.    Progress  quotients  versus 
mean  index  of  social  participation.    Mean  number  of 

activities   engaged    in 208 

LXX.    Play  data  for  3,176  children.    Mental  age  versus  mean 
index   of    social   participation.      Mean   number    of 

activities  engaged  in 214 

LXXI.    Mean    index    of    social    participation    for    children   of 
three  chronological  age  levels  and  for  three  mental 

age  levels 215 

LXXII.    Percentages  of  two  groups  of  boys  (gifted  and  control) 

who  took  part  in  five  activities  which  required  reading    218 
LXXIII.    Activities  in  which  two   groups  of  boys    (gifted   and 

control)  differed  most  in  participation       .      .      .      .219 
LXXIV.    Percentages  of  two  groups  of  boys  (gifted  and  control) 

who  engaged  in  boxing 220 


CHAPTER  I 

CHANGING  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  PLAY  * 

The  effort  to  discover  what  education  should  accomplish  in  the 
light  of  the  contradictory  and  varied  demands  of  present-day  life  con- 
stitutes the  significant  work  of  philosophers  in  education.  As  condi- 
tions and  demands  of  life  change,  so  too  does  the  philosophy.  The 
successive  demands  and  the  consequent  changes  in  our  philosophy  of 
education  are  reflected  in  the  changing  attitudes  toward  various  forms 
of  human  behavior.  Conspicuous  among  such  radically  changed  atti- 
tudes is  that  toward  play.  The  attitude  toward  play  which  dominated 
the  schools  of  America  until  very  recently  was  the  product  of  religious 
conviction;  it  was  the  result  of  an  uncritical  acceptance  of  customs 
brought  from  the  old  world.  The  following  quotation  gives  evidence 
of  the  coercive  measures  of  school  discipline  employed  in  Germany  at 
the  beginning  of  the  18th  century: 

'  'Play,'  said  Franke,  'must  be  forbidden  in  any  and  all  of  its  forms. 
The  children  shall  be  instructed  in  this  matter  in  such  a  way  as  to  show 
them,  through  the  presentation  of  religious  principles,  the  wastefulness  and 
folly  of  all  play.  They  shall  be  led  to  see  that  play  will  distract  their 
hearts  and  minds  from  God,  the  eternal  Good,  and  will  work  nothing  but 
harm  to  their  spiritual  lives.  Their  true  joy  and  hearty  devotion  should 
be  given  to  their  blessed  and  holy  Savior  and  not  to  earthly  things,  for  the 
reward  of  those  who  seek  earthly  things  is  tears  and  sorrow.'  "  ^ 

The  Methodist  Church  in  America  in  1792  gave  sanction  to  an 
educational  system  similar  to  that  advocated  by  Franke.  This  scheme 
too  resulted  from  deep-rooted  religious  convictions  and  squared  with 
the  prevailing  doctrine  of  total  depravity. 

"...  we  prohibit  play  in  the  strongest  terms.  .  .  . 

"The  students  shall  rise  at  five  o'clock  .  .  .  summer  and  winter.  .  .  . 

*  Printed  in  The  Playground  for  November,   1926,  and  here  republished  with  the 
consent  of  the  editors. 

1 


2  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Their  recreation  shall  be  gardening,  walking,  riding,  and  bathing,  without 
doors,  and  the  carpenter's,  joiner's,  cabinet-maker's  or  turner's  business 
within  doors.  ...  A  person  skilled  in  gardening  shall  be  appointed  to 
overlook  the  students  ...  in  this  recreation.  ...  A  Master  .  .  .  shall 
always  be  present  at  the  time  of  bathing.  Only  one  shall  bathe  at  a  time; 
and  no  one  shall  remain  in  the  water  above  a  minute.  No  student  shall 
be  allowed  to  bathe  in  the  river.  A  Taberna  Lignaria  (carpenter's  shop) 
shall  be  provided  .  .  .  with  all  proper  instruments  and  materials,  and  a 
skillful  person  ...  to  overlook  the  students  at  this  recreation.  .  .  .  The 
students  shall  be  indulged  with  nothing  which  the  world  calls  play.  Let 
this  rule  be  observed  with  the  strictest  nicety;  for  those  who  play  when  they 
are  young,  will  play  when  they  are  old."  Discipline  of  the  M.  E.  Church. 
1792.- 

FOLLY  OF  TRYING  TO  SUPPRESS  THE  PLAY  IMPULSE 

The  traditional  attitude  tov^^ard  play  was  modified  gradually.  The 
change  was  occasioned  largely  by  the  stimulating  discussions  of  foreign 
educational  philosophies  which  American  students  of  education  brought 
home  from  the  old  world.  The  influence  of  Rousseau  was  a  potent 
force  in  effecting  this  change. 

The  past  25  years  have  encompassed  rapid  changes  in  the  philos- 
ophy of  education.  A  variety  of  forces  have  caused  educators  to  ex- 
amine critically  prevailing  customs.  Attempts  have  been  made  to 
codify  expei-ience  and  to  develop  a  consistent  system  of  thought  and 
educational  procedure.  The  various  attempts  have  culminated  in 
their  highest  form  in  the  philosophy  of  John  Dewey.  His  attitude 
toward  play  is  expressed  in  the  following: 

"The  idea  that  the  need  (for  play)  can  be  suppressed  is  absolutely 
fallacious,  and  the  Puritanic  tradition  which  disallows  the  need  has  entailed 
an  enormous  crop  of  evils.  If  education  does  not  afford  opportunity  for 
wholesome  recreation  and  train  capacity  for  seeking  and  finding  it,  the 
suppressed  instincts  iind  all  sorts  of  illicit  outlets,  sometimes  overt,  some- 
times confined  to  indulgence  of  the  imagination.  Education  has  no  more 
serious  responsibility  than  making  adequate  provision  for  enjoyment  of 
recreative  leisure;  not  only  for  the  sake  of  immediate  health,  but  still  more 
if  possible  for  the  sake  of  its  lasting  effect  upon  habits  of  mind."  ^ 


CHANGING  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  PLAY  3 

PLAY  A  DIRECT  EDUCATIVE  AGENT 

Professor  Dewey's  insistence  upon  education  as  life  and  not  a 
preparation  therefor  has  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  many  tradi- 
tional doctrines.  The  school  curriculum  consists  not  of  a  precon- 
ceived body  of  dogma  but  of  an  abundance  of  experience  vital  to  and 
part  of  the  life  of  the  developing  child.  The  idea  that  subject  matter 
is  to  be  found  in  the  experience  of  the  child  leads  the  educator  to  an 
evaluation  of  all  experience  in  which  the  child  takes  part  in  and  out 
of  school.  The  play  life  of  the  child  must  therefore  be  treated  as  an 
educative  agent. 

"For  years,  play  was  looked  upon  merely  as  a  sort  of  inevitable  waste 
of  time  among  children,  but  scientific  study  .  .  .  has  shown  that  play  is  in 
most  respects  the  best,  the  ideal  form  of  the  exercise  of  the  powers.  Par- 
ticularly is  it  true  of  younger  children,  but  it  is  in  a  large  measure  true  as 
they  grow  older.  .  .  .  The  young  child  perhaps  learns  more  and  develops 
better  through  its  play  than  through  any  other  form  of  activity."  * 

Thqmdike  has  pointed  to  the  fact  that  all  learning  involves  re- 
acting and  that  without  reaction  nothing  is  learned.  Since  play  ac- 
tivities afford  children  opportunities  to  react  it  follows  that  play 
activities  afford  them  opportunities  to  learn.  Inasmuch  as  play  is  a 
constituent  of  growth,  it  follows  that  play  affords  children  an  ex- 
cellent opportunity  for  learning.  Carr  has  summed  up  the  value  of 
play  responses  in  child  development  as  follows: 

First,  Play  reactions  are  easier  than  those  of  work,  because  they  in- 
volve the  oldest  and  most  used  centers. 

Second,  Play  brings  a  greater  amount  of  activity,  because  it  is  easier, 
more  pleasurable,  and  less  fatiguing  than  work. 

Third,  The  intensity  of  response  is  greater,  because  attention  is  undi- 
vided and  spontaneous,  and  therefore  interest  is  keener. 

Fourth,  Play  is  a  better  stimulant  to  growth  and  development  than  work 
because  it  meets  nature's  demands  in  a  natural  and  timely  way. 

Fifth,  Play  is  the  most  variable  of  all  reactions,  and  thus  provides  con- 
stant and  suitable  exercise  of  all  important  physical  and  mental  activities.' 


4  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

PLAY  A  MECHANISM  OF  INDIVIDUAL  ADJUSTMENT 

Recent  writers  have  emphasized  the  value  of  play  as  a  mechanism 
of  adjustment.  Many  writers  have  stressed  the  importance  of  play 
in  obtaining  well-rounded  physical  development.  Others  have  pointed 
out  that  play  forms  an  important  instrument  in  developing  mental 
balance. 

Watson  has  stated  that  the  growing  boy  is  "straightened  out"  by 
the  knocks  received  from  other  boys. 

"The  indulgent  mother  favors  a  certain  child,  allows  it  to  eat  what  it 
wants,  to  play  with  what  it  calls  for,  puts  no  authority  upon  it,  does  every- 
thing for  it  and  even  anticipates  its  demands.  .  .  .  During  boyhood  he  is 
petted  and  spoiled.  His  side  is  taken  whenever  the  other  boys  attempt  to 
give  him  the  knocks  that  would  straighten  him  out.  ...  As  long  as  the 
old  favoring  environment  lasts  he  floats,  but  when  a  crisis  occurs,  when  he 
is  forced  to  face  the  world  unaided,  he  has  not  the  assets  with  which  to  do 
it.    His  equipment  is  inadequate."  ® 

The  importance  of  utilizing  the  play  life  of  the  child  in  effective  well- 
balanced  development  is  expressed  in  the  following: 

"In  short,  play  is  the  principal  instrument  of  growth.  It  is  safe  to 
conclude  that,  without  play,  there  would  be  no  normal  adult  cognitive  life; 
without  play,  no  healthful  development  of  affective  Hfe;  without  play,  no 
full  development  of  the  power  of  the  will." " 

PLAY  A  SOCIALIZING  FORCE 

To  participate  intelligently  in  group  life,  voluntary  cooperation  is 
necessary.  The  following  quotations  show  the  value  of  play  in  de- 
veloping this  ability. 

"Growth  through  play  is  evident  in  the  development  of  the  social  nature 
of  the  child,  and  is  especially  marked  in  the  development  of  his  conscious- 
ness of  kinship  with  a  group.  .  .  .  Child  play  reproduces  on  its  level  the 
struggles  and  achievements  of  developed  social  life  ...  the  child  grad- 
ually approaches  the  stern  adult  realities,  taught  and  trained,  hardened  and 
softened,  warmed  and  cooled,  roused  and  rationalized,  through  these  very 
engagements  in  play,  which  without  break  or  loss  of  their  original  char- 


CHANGING  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  PLAY       5 

acter  gradually  blend  into  the  duties,   responsibilities,  opportunities,   and 
achievements  of  adult  life."  ^ 

"Play  is  essentially  social;  it  is,  therefore,  natural  that  one  of  its  aims 

and  rewards  should  be  a  sense  of  fellowship  .  .  .  the  playing  group  fuses 

into  a  common  consciousness  on  a  plane  of  equality.  .  .  .  Play  is  the  making 

'of  a  social  man.    It  is  that  which  welds  the  bonds  of  fellowship  in  the  social 

group.    We  become  like  those  with  whom  we  play.  .  .  ."  ^ 

Again,  McDougall  stresses  the  value  of  play  as  a  socializing  force. 
Following  is  a  summary  of  McDougall's  position: 

Play  has  a  socializing  influence,  molding  the  individual,  and  preparing 
him  for  social  life,  for  cooperation,  for  submission,  and  for  leadership,  for 
the  postponement  of  individual  to  collective  ends,  playing  no  inconsiderable 
part  in  shaping  the  destinies  of  empires,  encouraging  friendly  intercourse 
and  rivalry  between  the  widely  scattered  parts,  and  by  keeping  the  various 
parts  present  to  the  consciousness  of  each  other. 

In  so  far  as  it  is  a  principal  root  of  artistic  production,  it  has  its  share 
in  the  socializing  influence  of  art.  Works  of  art  tend  to  increase  mutual 
understanding  and  sympathy,  furthering  the  homogeneity  of  the  mind  which 
is  an  essential  condition  of  the  development  of  the  collective  mental  life  of 
a  people.  Similarly,  art  tends  to  soften  and  socialize  the  relations  between 
nations.^" 

The  above  quotations  from  modern  educators  are  presented  not 
as  evidence  of  scientifically  demonstrated  truths,  but  simply  as  exempli- 
fication of  the  present-day  attitude  tovi^ard  play.  Taken  collectively 
the  quotations  are  illustrative  of  the  profound  change  of  attitude  to- 
ward play  that  has  occurred  within  two  centuries. 


REFERENCES 

1.  Quoted  by  Charles  H.  Judd  in  Genetic  Psychology  for  Teachers.  New  York  and 
London.     D.  Appleton  and  Company.     1911.     Pp.  xiii-329.     (p.  72.) 

2.  Quoted  by  Williarm  Heard  Kilpatrick  in  Source  Book  in  the  Philosophy  of  Edu- 
cation.   New  York.    The  Macmillan  Co.     1925.     Pp.  viii-365.     (p.  4f.) 

3.  Dewey,  John.  Democracy  and  Education.  New  York.  The  Macmillan  Co. 
1921.    Pp.  xii-434.     (p.  241.) 

4.  Jennings,  Herbert  Spencer;  John  B.  Watson;  Adolph  Meyer;  and  William  I. 
Thomas.  Suggestions  of  Modern  Science  Concerning  Education.  New  York.  The 
Macmillan  Co.     1920.     Pp.  vii-211.     (p.  46  f.) 


6  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

5.  Carr,  Harvey  A.  "The  Survival  Values  of  Play."  Investigations  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Psychology  and  Education  of  the  University  of  Colorado.  Vol.  I,  No.  2.  Pp. 
1-47.     (p.  27  ff.) 

6.  Watson,  John  B.  Psychology  from  the  Standpoint  of  a  Behaviorist.  Philadel- 
phia and  London.    J.  B.  Lippincott  and  Co.     1924.     Pp.  xiii-448.     (pp.  439-40.) 

7.  Seashore,  Carl.  Psychology  in  Daily  Life.  New  York  and  London.  D.  Appleton 
and  Company.     1916.     Pp.  xvii-22S.     (p.  8.) 

8.  Seashore,  Carl.    op.  cit.  p.  7. 

9.  Seashore,  Carl.     op.  cit.  p.  19  f. 

10.  McDougall,  William.     Social  Psychology.     Boston,  John  W.  Luce  &  Co.    1918. 
418  pp.     (p.  352.) 


CHAPTER  II 
THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY 

PLAY  A  COMPLEX  PHENOMENON 

Play  is  the  result  of  so  many  variables,  it  appears  so  commonly 
and  in  such  a  variety  of  forms,  it  involves  such  a  large  number  of 
those  elements  of  which  the  ego  is  compounded,  and  its  results  are 
so  subtle  and  so  far-reaching,  that  any  definition  or  explanation  neces- 
sarily must  be  partial  and  incomplete.  Play  has  an  almost  unlimited 
number  of  aspects.  The  better-known  theories  of  play  have  been 
criticized  not  so  much  because  of  their  lack  of  validity  but  because  of 
their  incompleteness.  The  whole  truth'  regarding  play  cannot  be 
known  until  the  whole  truth  regarding  life  itself  is  known,  for  play  is 
not  an  isolated  phenomenon ;  it  cannot  be  satisfactorily  explained  apart 
from  its  background,  that  is  to  say,  apart  from  other  life  phenomena. 
Appreciation  of  the  impossibility  of  formulating  a  wholly  satisfactory 
theory  of  play  should  result  in  tolerance  toward  those  theorists  who 
have  failed  in  this  regard.  It  should  bring  also  a  willingness  to  accept 
such  elements  of  truth  as  each  of  the  various  theories  may  contain. 

THE  SCHILLER-SPENCER  SURPLUS  ENERGY  THEORY 

Very  well  known  among  the  modern  theories  of  play  is  that  which 
commonly  is  called  "The  Schiller-Spencer  surplus  energy  theory." 
The  principle  which  is  set  forth  in  this  theory  has  been  stated  also  by 
other  writers.  It  seems  probable  that  the  prestige  and  the  popularity 
of  Schiller  and  Spencer  have  had  much  to  do  with  the  linking  of  their 
names  with  the  principle.  In  the  writings  of  Schiller  the  idea  of  sur- 
plus energy  is  incidental  merely.  With  Spencer,  it  evidently  is  not 
original.^ 

In  discussing  this  theorv'^  Bowen  and  Mitchell  make  the  followin2 
comment:  ^  ' 

1 


8  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

"The  original  author  of  this  theory  is  not  definitely  known.  One  writer 
says  that  it  dates  from  the  Stoic  philosophers  of  ancient  Greece,  but  this 
has  not  been  verified.  Many  modern  writers  call  it  the  'Schiller-Spencer' 
theor\%  but  this  is  not  a  good  name  for  it.  It  was  mentioned  in  educational 
literature  long  before  the  day  of  Schiller  and  Spencer;  moreover,  Spencer 
explains  play  in  an  entirely  different  manner.  Schiller  evidently  accepted 
the  theory  and  possibly  expressed  it  more  fully  and  plainly  than  any  one 
before  him."  ^ 

Schiller's  statement  regarding  play  is  found  in  his  letters  "On  the 
-Esthetic  Education  of  Mankind."    His  words  follow: 

"No  doubt  nature  has  given  more  than  is  necessary  to  unreasoning 
beings;  she  has  caused  a  gleam  of  freedom  to  shine  even  in  the  darkness  of 
animal  life.  When  the  lion  is  not  tormented  by  hunger,  and  when  no  wild 
beast  challenges  him  to  fight,  his  unemployed  energy  creates  an  object  for 
himself;  full  of  ardor,  he  fills  the  reechoing  desert  with  his  terrible  roars 
and  his  exuberant  force  rejoices  in  itself,  showing  itself  without  an  object. 
The  insect  flits  about  rejoicing  in  the  sunlight,  and  it  is  certainly  not  the  cry 
of  want  that  makes  itself  heard  in  the  melodious  song  of  the  bird;  there  is 
undeniably  freedom  in  these  movements,  though  it  is  not  emancipation 
from  want  in  general,  but  from  a  determinate  external  necessity. 

"The  animal  works  when  a  privation  is  the  motor  of  its  activity,  and  it 
plays  when  the  plenitude  of  force  is  this  motor,  when  an  exuberant  life  is 
excited  to  action."  ^ 

The  above  quotation  certainly  is  largely  spurious  when  examined 
from  a  scientific  standpoint.  Hobhouse  has  pointed  out  that  the 
apparently  aimless  activities  of  birds  and  insects  are  frequently,  if  not 
always,  for  the  fulfillment  of  nature's  serious  purposes.*  Undoubtedly 
much  of  what  seems  to  be  random  or  aimless  movement  in  the  animal 
world  is  in  reality  search  for  food  and  mate.  One  is  not  justified  in 
designating  an  activity  as  an  end  in  itself  merely  because  no  ulterior 
end  is  clearly  evident.  Schiller's  assertations  that  the  roar  of  the 
lion  is  "without  an  object,"  that  the  melodious  song  of  the  bird  is 
"certainly  not  the  cry  of  want,"  and  that  "the  insect  flits  about  rejoic- 
ing in  life  in  the  sunlight,"  are  therefore  questionable. 

A  second  part  of  the  Schiller  theory  of  play  posits  unhindered 
utilization  of  the  excess  of  energy.  In  line  with  this  conceptirr  are 
Schiller's  statements  regarding  the  play  of  imagindtian  in  man: 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY         9 

"The  imagination,  like  the  bodily  organs,  has  in  man  its  free  move- 
ment and  its  material  play,  a  play  in  which,  without  reference  to  form,  it 
simply  takes  pleasure  in  its  arbitrary  power,  and  in  the  absence  of  all 
hindrance.  These  plays  of  fancy  inasmuch  as  form  is  not  mixed  up  with 
them,  and  because  a  free  succession  of  images  makes  all  their  charm,  though 
confined  to  man,  belong  exclusively  to  animal  life,  and  only  prove  one 
thing  .  .  .  that  he  is  delivered  from  all  external  sensuous  constraint  .  .  . 
without  our  being  entitled  to  infer  that  there  is  in  it  an  independent  plastic 
form."  ^ 

Used  in  this  sense,  play  has  much  in  common  with  art.  Indeed, 
Schiller  considered  art  to  be  merely  a  higher  form  of  play.® 

Schiller's  contention  that  in  man  the  imagination  enjoys  "free 
movement,"  "arbitrary  power,"  and  "the  absence  of  all  hindrance" 
certainly  needs  validation.  The  imagination  probably  does  not  have 
free  movement  if  these  words  are  taken  literally.  Imagination  is,  of 
course,  dependent  upon  the  inner  neural  organization  of  the  individual. 
This  neural  organization  is  determined  in  turn  by  definite  antecedent 
causes. 

Schiller  vn*ote  as  a  poet.  It  is  perhaps  needless  to  remark  that 
hyperbole  is  permissible  in  the  poet. 

SPENCER 

Herbert  Spencer  extended  and  qualified  the  "surplus  energy" 
theory  in  a  manner  indicative  of  a  profound  comprehension  of  the 
complexity  of  the  phenomenon  of  play. 

Spencer's  critics  commonly  leave  one  with  the  impression  that 
Spencer's  conception  of  play  consisted  exclusively  of  the  idea  of 
"surplus  energy."  In  this  connection  it  is  to  be  noted  that  most  of 
the  criticism  directed  against  Spencer's  treatment  of  the  subject  of 
play  is  to  the  effect  that  the  words  "surplus  energy"  do  not  suffice  to 
explain  play. 

Typical  of  such  criticisms  are  the  following: 

(a)  "The  Spencer  theory,  therefore  misses  the  whole  point.  It  is  true 
because  it  is  a  truism."  '^ 

{h)  "Yes,  the  boy  plays  on  account  of  surplus  energy  in  the  same  way 
Raphael  painted  the  Sistine  Madonna  because  of  surplus  paint."  "^ 


10  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OP"  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

(c)  "In  one  point  only  does  Spencer  go  beyond  Schiller's  conception: 
he  connects  the  idea  of  imitation  with  that  of  the  overflow  of  energy."  ^ 

(d)  "It  (the  surplus  energy  theory)  does  not  sufficiently  account  for 
the  forms  the  play  activities  take."  ^° 

(e)  "Can  a  phenomenon  that  is  of  so  great,  so  incalculable  value  pos- 
sibly be  simply  a  convenient  method  of  dissipating  superfluous  accumulations 
of  energy?"  ^^ 

(f)  "A  further  difficulty  with  Spencer's  theory  is  that  it  does  not  apply 
to  the  play  of  children  at  all,  for  the  reason  that  the  child  is  not  a  working 
animal  and  does  not  provide  his  own  maintenance."  ^^ 

(g)  "There  can  be  no  question  but  that  surplus  energy  is  a  favorable  con- 
dition to  play.  The  animal  or  child  that  possesses  it  will  play  longer  and 
harder,  will  feel  a  more  insistent  craving  for  activity  than  the  animal  or 
child  without  it;  but  no  one  to-day  would  accept  the  theory  as  an  explana- 
tion." '^ 

The  sweeping  manner  in  which  Spencer's  broad  philosophy  of 
play  has  been  condensed  and  dismissed  certainly  is  unjust.  His  dis- 
cussion of  play  and  art  is  so  much  more  comprehensive  than  the  two 
words  "surplus  energy"  indicate  that  it  ill  becomes  a  critic  to  charge 
him  with  uttering  a  truism,  or  to  imply  that  he  considered  "surplus 
energy"  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  play.  Spencer  himself  would 
have  been  the  last  to  assert  that  a  phenomenon  so  complex  as  play 
could  be  explained  by  so  simple  a  formula.  Indeed,  he  did  not  attempt 
to  explain  play  at  all.  Regarding  his  own  treatment  of  the  aesthetic 
sentiments  he  wrote: 

"To  deal  fully  with  the  psychology  of  aesthetics  is  out  of  the  question. 
Its  phenomena  are  extremely  involved,  and  to  treat  them  adequately  would 
require  many  chapters.  Here,  in  addition  to  the  above  general  conceptions, 
I  will  set  down  such  hints  as  seem  needful  for  rightly  developing  them."  ^* 

Like  Schiller,  Spencer  looked  upon  art  merely  as  one  aspect  of 
play.  It  is  of  interest  that  many  other  writers  agree  that  there  is  a 
close  relationship  between  play  and  art. 

''Art  and  play,  then,  f  id  fill  the  same  junction,  provide  us  the  same 
refreshment.    Moreover,  they  are  both  their  own  excuse  for  being."  ^^ 

"And  not  only  do  we  call  the  child's  dearest  interests  by  a  name  implying 
that  they  are  of  negligible  importance,  but  we  heighten  the  misunderstand- 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY       11 

ing  by  (very  properly)  calling  the  same  identical  interests  when  they  appear 
in  grown  people  by  a  variety  of  high-sounding  names, — such  as  work,  art, 
science,  patriotism,  idealism,  genius, — that  we  never  think  of  applying  to 
children's  play."  ^° 

"The  phrase  'Art  for  art's  sake,'  although  it  has  become  distorted  from 
its  original  meaning,  had  this  idea  back  of  it,  that  any  work  worthy  of 
being  considered  aesthetic  must  be  done  for  the  joy  of  the  process."  ^^ 

Unable  to  accept  the  theory  of  the  identity  of  play  and  art  Ebbing- 
haus  has  made  what  seems  to  be  a  valid  distinction  betvi^een  the  two 
behavior  manifestations. 

"But  play  is  not  identical  with  art,  because  it  is  still  too  serious  a  matter. 
The  boy  who  plays  robber  and  police  is  not  like  an  actor  playing  the  role 
of  a  robber.  He  really  is  the  robber  so  far  as  the  advantages,  the  freedom, 
and  the  power  of  a  robber  are  concerned;  and  he  enjoys  these  advantages, 
while  the  actor  does  not  even  think  of  them.  The  actor,  even  while  playing 
the  role  of  a  king,  desires  to  play  the  king,  not  to  be  the  king.  Play,  that  is, 
the  instinctive  activity  of  play,  is  intermediate  between  art  and  life,  a 
gateway  to  the  former."  ^^ 

Discussing  the  similarity  between  the  play  impulse  and  the  art 
impulse,  Spencer  wrote: 

"The  activities  we  call  play  are  united  with  the  aesthetic  activities,  by 
the  trait  that  neither  subserve,  in  any  direct  way,  the  processes  conducive 
to  life.  The  bodily  powers,  the  intellectual  faculties,  the  instincts,  appetites, 
passions,  and  even  those  highest  feelings  we  have  lately  dealt  with,  have 
maintenance  of  the  organic  equilibrium  of  the  individual,  or  else  main- 
tenance of  the  species,  as  their  immediate  or  remote  ends.  .  .  .  But  while 
the  primary  actions  of  the  faculties,  bodily  and  mental,  with  their  accom- 
panying gratifications,  are  thus  obviously  related  to  proximate  ends  that 
imply  ulterior  benefits,  those  actions  of  them  which  constitute  play,  and 
those  which  yield  the  aesthetic  gratifications,  do  not  refer  to  ulterior  benefits 
.  .  .  the  proximate  ends  are  the  only  ends."  ^^ 

The  first  point  of  relationship  between  the  play  impulse  and  the 
art  impulse  is  that  neither  furthers  directly  the  life  processes  of  the 
organism.  Spencer  qualifies  his  statement  that  "the  proximate  ends 
are  the  only  ends"  by  emphasizing  that  any  exercise  of  a  "faculty"  * 

*  The  present  writers  are  employing  the  term  "faculty"  as  Spencer  used  it;  they  do 
Qot  recognize  its  validity  when  so  used. 


12  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

improves  that  "faculty."  Therefore  from  this  point  of  view  an  ulterior 
benefit  also  is  to  be  derived  from  aesthetic  and  play  activities.  But 
since  this  ulterior  benefit,  improved  functioning,  comes  also  with  forced 
functioning  of  the  faculties,  Spencer  does  not  regard  the  practice  effect 
a  distinguishing  feature  of  the  aesthetic  and  the  play  activities."" 

Spencer  thus  anticipates  the  Groos  "practice  theory"  and  indicates 
that  it  is  an  incomplete  explanation  of  play. 

Spencer  mentions  the  fact  that  excess  both  of  time  and  of  energy 
is  found  when  a  given  species'  "faculties"  have  become  so  various  and 
so  efficient  that  the  species  is  no  longer  exclusively  occupied  with  the 
immediately  urgent  problems  of  existence.  The  resultant  condition 
may  be  described  best  in  Spencer's  own  words: 

"The  greater  variety  of  faculty  commonly  joined  with  this  greater  effi- 
ciency of  faculty,  has  a  kindred  result.  When  there  have  been  developed 
many  powers  adjusted  to  many  requirements,  they  cannot  all  act  at  once: 
noM'  the  circumstances  call  these  into  exercise  and  now  those;  and  some 
of  them  occasionally  remain  unexercised  for  considerable  periods.  Thus  it 
happens  that  in  the  more-evolved  creatures,  there  often  recurs  an  energy 
comewhat  in  excess  of  the  irmnediate  needs,  and  there  comes  also  such 
rest,  now  of  this  faculty  and  now  of  that,  as  permits  the  bringing  of  it  up 
to  a  state  of  high  efficiency  by  the  repair  which  follows  waste."  -^ 

As  a  result  of  the  fact  that  certain  of  the  "faculties"  are  at  times 
quiescent,  their  unused  energy  accumulates.  Play  consists  of  the 
functioning  of  those  "faculties"  not  recently  used,  play  is  change  of 
activity  after  an  intervening  period  of  disuse.  It  arises  from  the 
readiness  of  healthy  muscles  or  organs  to  act.  Spencer  here  antici- 
pates a  theory  developed  at  great  length  by  Patrick.'^  The  following 
criticism  therefore  seems  unjustifiable. 

'"But  the  most  serious  difficulty  with  Spencer's  theory  is  that  it  does 
not  explain  the  form  taken  either  by  the  plays  of  children  or  of  adults. 
His  view  is  that  men  and  animals  in  their  surplus-energy  moods  .  .  .  that 
is,  in  their  play  .  .  .  would  simply  go  on  doing  in  a  dramatizing  way  what 
they  are  accustomed  seriously  to  do  in  their  working  moods.  The  horse 
would  run,  the  tiger  would  jump,  etc.  .  .  .  the  man  presumably  would  plow 
and  reap  and  dig  and  write  books  and  give  lectures.  But  this  is  precisely 
what  the  man  does  not  do.    He  goes  fishing,  etc."  -- 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY       13 

Spencer  states  that  when  the  unemployed  period  is  sufficiently- 
long  a  given  "faculty"  may  become  so  stored  with  energy  that  func- 
tioning becomes  a  definite  organic  need.  When  natural  discharge  is 
precluded  there  comes  a  tendency  to  simulate  the  natural  mode  of 
discharge.  Under  certain  conditions  almost  any  activity  may  be 
preferable  to  inactivity.    Spencer's  words  follow: 

"Every  one  of  the  mental  powers,  then,  being  subject  to  this  law,  that 
its  organ  when  dormant  for  an  interval  longer  than  ordinary  becomes  un- 
usually ready  to  act  .  .  .  unusually  ready  to  have  its  correlative  feelings 
aroused,  giving  an  unusual  readiness  to  enter  upon  all  the  correlative  activi- 
ties; it  happens  that  a  simulation  of  those  activities  is  easily  fallen  into, 
when  circumstances  offer  it  in  place  of  the  real  activities."  ^^ 

"Hence  play  of  all  kinds.  .  .  .  Hence  this  tendency  to  superfluous  and 
useless  exercise  of  faculties  that  have  been  quiescent.  Hence,  too,  the  fact 
that  these  uncalled-for  exertions  are  most  displayed  by  those  faculties  which 
take  the  most  prominent  parts  in  the  creature's  life.  Observe  how  this  holds 
from  the  simplest  faculties  upwards,"  ^* 

Play,  then,  is  very  commonly  simulation  of  the  types  of  activity 
which  an  organ  carries  on  when  it  is  being  forced  to  exercise  directly 
the  processes  conducive  to  life.  Play  activities  are  displayed  most 
often  by  those  parts  of  the  body  which  are  most  significant  in  the 
creature's  survival.*    Spencer  writes: 

"A  rat,  with  incisors  that  grow  continuously  in  adaptation  to  incessant 
wear  they  undergo,  and  with  a  correlative  desire  to  use  these  incisors,  will, 
if  caged,  occupy  itself  in  gnawing  anything  it  can  get  hold  of.  A  cat,  with 
claws  and  appended  muscles  adjusted  to  daily  action  in  catching  prey,  but 
now  leading  a  life  that  is  but  in  small  degree  predatory,  has  a  craving  to 
exercise  these  parts;  and  may  be  seen  to  satisfy  the  craving  by  stretching 
out  her  legs,  protruding  her  claws,  and  pulling  at  some  such  surface  as  the 
covering  of  a  chair  or  the  bark  of  a  tree.  And  still  more  interesting  in  the 
giraffe,  which  when  free  is  all  day  long  using  its  tongue  to  pull  down  branches 
of  trees,  there  arises,  when  in  confinement,  so  great  a  need  for  some  kindred 
exercise  that  it  perpetually  grasps  with  its  tongue  such  parts  of  the  top 

*  The  criticism  that  Spencer  fails  to  account  for  forms  that  play  takes  is  therefore 
not  wholl}'  fair.  For  examples  of  such  criticism  see:  (a)  McDougall,  Wm.,  Social  Psy- 
chology, p.  Ill;  (b)  Norsworthy  and  Whitley,  The  Psychology  of  Chilahood,  p.  206  ff; 
'"'-'  Patnck,  G.  T.  W.,  The  Psychology  of  Relaxation,  pp.  32-^.3. 


14  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

of  its  house  as  can  be  laid  hold  of  ...  so  wearing  out  the  upper  angles  of 
doors,  etc.  This  useless  activity  of  unused  organs,  which  in  these  cases 
hardly  arises  to  what  we  call  play,  passed  into  play  ordinarily  so  called 
where  there  is  a  more  manifest  union  of  feeling  with  the  action."  ^^ 

In  the  cases  cited  above  the  structure  of  a  given  animal  determines 
the  form  that  its  play  will  take.  In  the  lower  animals  it  consists  of 
mimic  chase  and  mimic  fighting.    Examples  of  the  latter  follow: 

''For  dogs  and  other  predatory  creatures  show  us  unmistakably  that 
their  play  consists  of  mimic  chase  and  mimic  fighting.  .  .  .  They  pursue 
one  another,  they  try  to  overthrow  one  another,  they  bite  one  another,  as 
much  as  they  dare.  And  so  with  the  kitten  running  after  a  cotton-ball,  mak- 
ing it  roll  and  catching  it,  crouching  as  though  in  ambush  and  then  leaping 
on  it,  we  see  that  the  whole  sport  is  a  dramatization  of  the  pursuit  of  prey 
...  an  ideal  satisfaction  for  the  destructive  instincts  in  the  absence  of  real 
satisfaction  for  them."  -^ 

With  increased  complexity  of  structural  conformation  there  comes 
increased  diversity  in  play  behavior.  In  man  play  may  take  an  almost 
unlimited  number  of  forms.  Nevertheless,  certain  play  activities  are 
almost  certain  to  be  engaged  in  by  children,  i.e.,  playing  with  dolls, 
playing  soldier,  etc.  These  activities  are  the  dramatization  of  adult 
activities.  Groos  has  elaborated  at  great  length  this  general  principle 
previously  stated  by  Spencer.  ^  ^ 

The  instinctive  basis  of  play  is  set  forth  by  Spencer  in  the  follow- 
ing paragraph : 

"The  sports  of  boys,  chasing  one  another,  wrestling,  making  prisoners, 
obviously  gratify  in  a  partial  way  the  predatory  instincts.*  And  if  we 
consider  even  their  games  of  skill,  as  well  as  the  games  of  skill  practiced  by 
adults,  we  find  that,  significantly  enough,  the  essential  element  running 
through  them  has  the  same  origin.  For  no  matter  what  the  game,  the 
satisfaction  is  in  achieving  victory  ...  in  getting  the  better  of  an  an- 
tagonist. This  love  of  conquest,  so  dominant  in  all  creatures  because  it  is 
so  correlative  of  success  in  the  struggle  for  existence,  gets  gratification 
from  a  victory  at  chess  in  the  absence  of  ruder  victories."  ^" 

*  Interesting  in  this  connection  is  the  similar  point  of  view  set  forth  by  McDougall 
in  his  Social  Psychology,  p.   110  ff. 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY       15 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  preceding  quotation  Spencer  anticipates 
the  principle  of  compensatory  satisfaction.  This  conception  has  been 
greatly  expanded  since  the  day  of  Spencer.^^ 

Those  who  have  familiarized  themselves  with  theories  of  compen- 
satory behavior  will  recognize  the  modern  tone  of  the  following  state- 
ment.^^ 

"Nay,  we  may  even  see  that  playful  conversation  is  characterized  by 
the  same  element.  In  banter,  in  repartee,  in  'chaff,'  the  almost-constant  trait 
is  some  display  of  relative  superiority  .  .  .  the  detection  of  a  weakness,  a 
mistake,  an  absurdity,  on  the  part  of  another.  Through  a  wit-combat  there 
runs  the  effort  to  obtain  mental  supremacy.  That  is  to  say,  this  activity 
of  the  intellectual  faculties  in  which  they  are  not  used  for  purposes  of 
guidance  in  the  business  of  life,  is  carried  on  partly  for  the  sake  of  the 
pleasure  of  the  activity  itself,  and  partly  for  the  accompanying  satisfaction 
of  certain  egoistic  feelings  which  find  for  the  moment  no  other  sphere."  ^° 

The  following  sunimary  of  Spencer's  discussion  of  play  and  art  is 
given  in  order  to  illustrate  clearly  the  scope  of  his  discussion. 

SUMMARY  OF  SPENCER'S  DISCUSSION   OF  PLAY 

1.  Play  and  art  are  similar  in  that  neither  subserves  in  any  direct  way 
the  processes  conducive  to  life  (pp.  627-28  idem). 

2.  Higher  animals,  not  being  occupied  exclusively  with  their  own  main- 
tenance, accumulate  energy  in  unused  "faculties."  Inactivity  may  then 
become  insufferable  and  escape  therefrom  is  found  in  play,  i.e.,  useless 
activity  of  unused  organs  (pp.  629-30  idem). 

3.  Useless  activity  is  very  commonly  simulation  of  the  types  of  activity 
which  an  organ  carries  on  when  it  is  being  forced  to  subserve  in  a  direct 
way  the  processes  conducive  to  life  (p.  639  idem.) 

4.  The  play  of  dogs  and  of  other  predatory  animals  usually  consists 
of  mimic  chase  and  mimic  fighting  (pp.  630-31  idem);  in  man  a  similar 
manifestation  is  dramatization. 

5.  The  sports  of  boys  gratify  in  a  partial  way  the  predatory  instincts 
(p.  631  idem). 

6.  In  games  of  skill  the  satisfaction  consists  in  achieving  victory  .  .  . 
in  getting  the  better  of  an  antagonist  (p.  631  idem). 

7.  In  the  absence  of  ruder  victories,  man's  love  of  conquest  secures 


16  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

gratification  of  a  victory  at  chess  or  from  some  other  display  of  superiority 
(p.  631  idem).     (Compensation.) 

8.  Games  are  the  simulated  activities  resulting  from  the  demand  of 
the  lower  "faculties"  for  discharge  of  accumulated  energy.  The  aesthetic 
sentiments  are  derived  from  a  corresponding  discharge  of  the  accumulated 
energy  in  the  higher  "faculties"  (p.  631  idem). 

9.  Esthetic  feelings  result  from  harmonious,  unimpeded  action  of  the 
"faculties/'  the  lower  as  well  as  the  higher  (p.  636  idem). 

10.  Play  arises  from  the  fact  that  certain  states  of  consciousness  are 
sought  for  their  own  sake,  apart  from  ends  (p.  647  idem). 

11.  The  form  that  play  shall  take  is  a  function  of  the  level  of  devel- 
opment of  the  player.  The  following  list  displays  various  types  of  plays 
which  correspond  to  various  levels  of  development. 

(a)  Superfluous  activity  of  the  sensori-motor  apparatus. 

(b)  Exercise  of  the  higher  coordinating  powers  in  games  and  exer- 
cises. 

(c)  Mimic  dances  and  accompanying  chants  of  savages.     There  is 
here  a  predominance  of  substituted  gratifications  adapted  to  predatory  life. 

(d)  Those  more  highly  developed  sesthetic  products  of  ancient  civili- 
zations resulting  in  substitute  gratification. 

(e)  Superfluous  activity  of  the  sympathies  and  altruistic  sentiments . 
giving  rise  to  tine  art,  the  highest  form  of  play  (pp.  647-48  idem). 

12.  As  evolution  continues  play  is  destined  to  play  an  increasingly  im- 
portant part  in  human  life   (p.  648  idem). 

The  writers  will  avoid  raising  the  question  of  whether  the  preceding 
ideas  were  original  with  Spencer.  The  charge  has  been  made  recently 
that  Spencer  obtained  practically  all  of  his  educational  philosophy 
from  Priestley  and  others  of  his  time.  H.  G.  Good  states  that  Spencer 
possessed  a  gift  for  expressing  rather  than  for  originating  ideas. ^^ 

In  reference  to  Spencer's  book  entitled  What  Knowledge  is  of  Most 
Worth,  Professor  Good  says:  "Few,  if  any,  other  writers  on  education 
have  attained  a  great  reputation  so  cheaply;  but  perhaps  fame  rarely 
conforms  to  the  facts."  ^^  It  would  be  foreign  to  the  purposes  of  the 
present  writers  to  discuss  this  charge.  They  have  based  the  foregoing 
discussion  upon  the  fact  that  Spencer  discussed  play  behavior  with 
more  than  ordinary  insight. 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY        IT 
OTHER  THEORIES  OF  PLAY 

So  much  has  been  MTitten  about  various  aspects  of  play  that  space 
does  not  permit  an  adequate  resume  of  the  various  discussions.  Brief 
summaries  of  a  few  of  the  significant  writings  will  be  presented. 

Karl  Groos  ,('9 6)  elaborated  at  great  length  the  theory  that  play  is 

a  means  by  which  the  young  of  a  given  species  obtain  practice  in  those 

forms  of  activity  which  in  later  life  are   necessary  to  sustenance. 

Groos'  name  is  usually  linked  with  the  "practice  theory  of  play."  ^  ^ 

The  following  statements  have  been  made  in  criticism  of  this  theory: 

"Let  us  cease  to  blaspheme  against  the  spirit  of  eternal  youth  by  sup- 
posing (as  Karl  Groos  does)  that  play  means  chiefly  a  preparation  for  the 
'serious'  work  of  life.  Whatever  has  seriousness  as  its  dominant  note  is  a 
senile  degeneration,  a  sad  relapse  from  the  healthy  adventurous  playfulness 
of  childhood."  '^ 

"When  we  consider  what  the  plays  of  children  actually  are,  we  discover, 
except  in  a  limited  number  of  imitative  plays,  but  faint  resemblance  be- 
tween them  and  the  serious  pursuits  of  adult  man.  They  resemble  rather  the 
pursuits  of  primitive  and  prehistoric  man,  and  many  of  them  are  like  the 
sports  of  adults  of  the  present  day."  ^* 

"If  the  serious  life  of  to-day  consisted  in  escaping  from  enemies  by  foot, 
horse,  or  paddle,  in  living  in  close  proximity  to  domestic  animals,  in  pur- 
suit of  game  with  bow  or  gun,  in  subsisting  on  fish  caught  singly  by  hand, 
in  personal  combat  with  fist  or  sword,  in  throwing  missiles,  striking  with 
a  club  or  pursuing  an  enemy,  in  seeking  safety  in  trees  or  caves,  in  living 
in  tents  or  tree  houses,  in  sleeping  and  cooking  by  a  camp-fire,  then  we 
might  venture  to  explain  the  play  life  of  the  child  as  'an  instinctive  activity 
existing  for  purposes  of  practice  or  exercise  with  serious  intent.'  "  ^^ 

"It  would  be  a  crude  mistake  on  the  part  of  nature  to  provide  mankind 
with  a  period  of  immaturity  in  order  to  provide  each  child  with  practice 
in  adult  activities  that  were  discarded  by  the  race  at  the  dawn  of  civiliza- 
tion. Injurious  play,  such  as  gambling  and  use  of  drugs,  could  not  exist 
if  nature  was  providing  play  as  a  preparation  for  certain  future  activities."  ^'^ 

"The  idea  that  instincts  are  prophetic  .  .  .  looking  forward  to  the  occu- 
pations that  the  child  must  be  ready  to  carry  on  when  he  reaches  maturity 
...  is  the  main  fault  of  the  instinct  theory  of  play  as  stated  by  Groos."  " 


18  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

"The  theory  advanced  by  Professor  Groos  is  that  play  is  a  preparation 
for  the  business  of  life.  .  .  .  No  doubt,  in  some  instances,  especially  if  one 
considers  primitive  man,  there  is  some  such  correspondence;  but  in  most 
cases  the  preparatory  effect  of  the  various  games  is  hard  to  trace.  For 
instance,  it  might  seem  valuable  to  children  of  uncivilized  races  to  indulge 
as  they  do  in  the  running,  catching  games,  because  the  adult  savage  de- 
pends largely  on  his  agility  and  strength  for  his  existence;  but  for  what 
do  these  plays  prepare  a  civilized  child?  .  .  .  For  catching  a  street  car 
perhaps,  or  getting  out  of  the  way  of  an  automobile.  The  preparation, 
if  there  is  one,  must  be  taken  in  a  very  general  sense,  for  no  close  correla- 
tion can  be  found.  Even  if  it  does  exist,  as  the  theory  suggests,  it  but 
indicates  something  further  to  be  explained,  for,  'Why  does  the  child  in  his 
ignorance  of  adult  needs  react  in  just  those  ways  which  do  thus  train  him?' 
The  explanation  needs  itself  to  be  explained."  ^^ 

Comment  regarding  the  above  criticisms  probably  is  unnecessary. 
It  is  to-day  a  well  known  fact  that  the  child  learns  hand  and  eye  co- 
ordination by  a  trial  and  error  process  and  in  a  very  real  way  his  first 
lesson  in  driving  a  hammer  is  taken  when  he  first  attertipts  to  bang  his 
rattle  against  the  side  of  his  crib.^^ 

Spencer  has  described  the  types  of  "play  activities"  engaged  in 
by  young  animals  and  Breed  has  shown  that  the  young  chick's 
accuracy  at  pecking  improves  with  practice.*"  It  is  true  of  course  that 
maturation  is  a  most  significant  factor  in  the  development  of  many 
abilities.     However,  a  certain  amount  of  practice  is  essential. 

Seashore  has  paraphrased  the  Groos  "practice  theory"  of  play  with 
the  necessary  qualifications  in  the  following  words: 

"Children  seldom  play  with  the  intention  of  fitting  themselves  for  life, 
nor  are  adults  ordinarily  conscious  of  serving  this  purpose  in  play.  Children 
play,  as  do  the  rest  of  us,  because  it  satisfies  certain  cravings  and  seems 
to  be  the  eternally  fit  and  natural  thing  to  do.  It  is  only  in  the  larger, 
retrospective  view  that  we  realize  how  nature  has  wrought  marvels  of 
development  through  the  operation  of  the  play  instincts."  *^ 

The  Groos  "practice  theory"  of  play  is  therefore  not  invalid  but 
simply  incomplete. 

"The  Groos  theory  of  play  attempts  to  supply  what  the  Spencer  theory 
lacks,  that  is,  to  account  for  the  actual  form  taken  by  the  plays  of  children 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY       19 

and  young  animals.     Unfortunately,  it  gives  little  attention  to  the  plays 
of  adults."  ^2 

Professor  Groos  has  sugplemented-iiis  original  theory  by  adding 
the  concept  of  catharsis.  Accordingly  play  is  a  kind  of  safety-valve 
for  the  expression  of  pent-up  emotion. 

"...  fighting  plays  are  among  the  natural  or  spontaneous  activities  of 
children  and  as  long  as  they  are  freely  indulged  in,  the  child  is  free  from 
hurtful  emotions.  If  these  activities  are  repressed,  then  no  doubt  would 
occur  certain  internal  disturbances  of  a  less  healthful  character.  Where 
spontaneous  responses  are  inhibited,  readjustments  are  necessary  and  emo- 
tions are  present.  When  the  spontaneous  response  is  resumed,  the  emotion 
subsides.  In  this  way  children's  plays  might  seem  to  have  a  catharsis  effect. 
In  spontaneous  unrestricted  play,  there  would  seem  to  be  no  such  element 
present  or  necessary."  ^^ 

The  doctrine  of  catharsis  is  set  forth  clearly  in  the  following: 

/"Catharsis  .  .  .  implies  the  idea  of  purging  or  a  draining  of  that  energy 
which  has  anti-social  possibilities,  and  hence  the  cathartic  value  may  be 
predicted  of  only  certain  play  reactions.  The  value  of  football,  boxing, 
and  other  physical  contests  in  relieving  the  pugnacious  tendencies  of  boys 
is  readily  apparent  as  examples.  Without  the  numberless  well  organized 
set  forms  of  play  possessed  by  society  which  give  a  harmless  outlet  to 
the  mischievous  and  unapplied  energy  of  the  young,  the  task  of  the  teacher 
and  parent  would  be  appalling."  ** 

G.  Stanley  Hall  ('04)  explained  play  as  due  to  the  fact  that 
ontogeny  repeats  phylogeny.  He  pointed  out  that  the  individual  re- 
hearses the  activities  of  his  ancestors,  repeating  their  life  w^ork  in 
summative  and  adumbrative  ways.*^ 

Hall  exhibited  a  normal  human  frailty  in  his  estimate  of  Groos' 
first  theory.     His  position  follows: 

The  past  holds  the  keys  to  all  play  activities.  None  survives  unless 
based  upon  pretty  purely  hereditary  momentum.  The  view  of  Groos  that 
play  is  practice  for  future  adult  activities  is  very  partial,  superficial  and 
perverse.*® 


20  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Hall's  contention  that  the  individual  cannot  cut  himself  off  entirely 
from  his  past  is  taken  for  granted  at  the  present  time.  The  trouble 
with  Hall's  theory  is  that  it  is  based  upon  an  invalid  hypothesis  (re- 
capitulation). 

"Theoretically,  scientists  do  not  believe  that  human  nature  has  under- 
gone such  definite  and  well-marked  changes  due  to  the  stages  of  culture 
through  which  it  has  passed.  Practically,  it  is  difficult  on  this  theory  to  ex- 
plain why  boys  like  to  go  swimming  and  to  live  in  caves  at  the  same  age,  or 
why  it  is  that  children  enjoy  playing  with  toy  boats  and  trains  before  they 
want  a  bow  and  arrow,  or  why  the  favorite  toy  of  most  girls  under  nine  is 
a  doll."  ^' 

.McDougall  ('08)  considered  play  to  be  due  to  the  ripening  of  the 
instinct  of  rivalry.^"    His  point  of  view  may  be  summarized  thus: 

If  we  ask — In  what  does  this  special  adaptation  (play)  consist?  The 
answer  is — it  consists  in  the  tendency  for  the  various  instincts  (on  the 
skilled  exercise  of  which  adult  efficiency  depends)  to  ripen  and  to  come 
into  action  in  each  individual  of  the  species  before  they  are  needed  for 
serious  use.  .  .  . 

Play,  then,  is  determined  by  the  premature  ripening  of  instincts.     The  ) 
ripening  of  any  instinct  in  individuals  of  any  species  is  liable  to  be  shifted/ 
forwards  or  backwards  in  the  age-scale  during  the  course  of  racial  evolu-/ 
tion,  so   that  the  order  of  their  ripening  and  of  their  appearances  in  the 
individual  does  not  conform  to  the  law  of  recapitulation .''^ 

McDougall's  two  criticisms  of  the  "Schiller-Spencer  surplus  energy 
theory"  are  as  follows:  (1)  It  does  not  account  for  the  varied  forms 
the  play  activities  take.  (2)  It  is  not  compatible  with  the  fact  that 
young  animals,  as  well  as  children,  often  play  until  they  are  exhausted. 

The  writers  feel  that  Spencer  would  have  agreed  with  the  iirst  of 
these  objections.  McDougall's  second  criticism  is  met  in  the  following 
statement  by  Patrick: 

"As  a  rule  people  do  not  play  when  they  are  tired,  that  is,  when  that 
part  of  them  is  tired  which  they  are  using  in  play,  but  of  course  they 
get  interested  in  their  plays  and  sometimes  go  right  on  as  a  result  of  plot 
interest  or  from  m.any  other  secondary  causes.     Consequently,  a  man  might 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY       21 

play  chess  when  the  parts  of  the  brain  involved  in  chess  playing  are  already 
tired  from  his  work,  in  order  to  defeat  a  rival  and  vindicate  his  reputation 
as  a  chess  player,  etc.,  etc."  (From  an  unpublished  letter  in  the  possession 
of  the  writers.) 

Karl  Groos  made  a  most  discerning  and  significant  observation 
when  he  pointed  out  the  fact  that  surplus  energy  is  not  a  conditio  sine 
qua  non  of  play. 

"Notice  the  kitten  when  a  piece  of  paper  blows  past.  Will  not  any 
observer  confirm  the  statement  that  just  as  an  old  cat  must  be  tired  to 
death  or  else  already  filled  with  satiety  if  it  does  not  try  to  seize  a  mouse 
running  near  it,  so  will  the  kitten,  too,  spring  after  the  moving  object,  even 
if  it  has  been  exercising  for  hours  and  its  superfluous  energies  are  entirely 
disposed  of?  Or  observe  the  play  of  young  dogs  when  two  of  them  have 
raced  about  the  garden  until  they  are  obliged  to  stop  from  sheer  fatigue, 
and  they  lie  on  the  ground  panting,  with  tongues  hanging  out.  Now  one 
of  them  gets  up,  glances  at  his  companion,  and  the  irresistible  power  of  his 
innate  longings  for  the  fray  seizes  him  again.  .  .  .  And  so  it  goes  with  end- 
less repetition,  until  we  get  the  impression  that  the  dog  waits  only  long 
enough  to  collect  the  needed  strength,  not  till  superfluous  vigor  urges  him 
to  activity."  *^ 

Miss  Appleton  ('10)  wrote  that  play  is  that  aspect  of  growth  which 
involves  the  developmental  exercise  of  maturing  functions.^"  Growth, 
or  the  hunger  for  it,  is  the  basic  drive  to  play  behavior.  Play  thus 
precedes  the  ability  to  function  and  gives  rise  to  it.  When  a  particular 
function  has  developed  fully  the  play  impulse  in  reference  to  that 
function  subsides. 

"Miss  Appleton,  in  her  comparative  study  of  play  already  referred  to, 
advances  a  Biological  theory  of  play.  She  thinks  that  play  is  dependent 
on  the  structure  of  the  body,  and  that  the  activity  is  of  such  character 
as  will  satisfy  the  needs  of  the  growing  body."  ^^ 

It  is  obvious  that  the  Appleton  theory  of  play  (like  all  others)  is 
partial  since  it  fails  to  take  any  account  of  the  play  activity  of  the 
adult. 

Freud  ('11)  advanced  the  theory  that  man's  basic  desire  is  that  of 


22  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

instinct  gratification.^^  Lack  of. sex  gratification  gives  rise  to  numerous 
substitute  activities.  These  substitute  activities  occur  under  the  domi- 
nation of  the  "pleasure  principle,"  i.e.,  the  desire  to  obtain  pleasure. 
This  is  most  evident  in  the  case  of  pleasurable  day-dreaming  which  is 
frequently  compensatory.  It  is  because  man  is  under  the  domination 
of  the  pleasure-principle  that  he  is  able  to  derive  pleasure  from  situa- 
tions intrinsically  painful,  e.g.,  a  play  in  which  tragedy  is  presented 
may  be  felt  by  him  as  highly  enjoyable. 

In  a  more  recent  publication^^  Freud  has  modified  and  qualified 
his  earlier  statements  regarding  play.  He  asserts  that  man  is  domi- 
nated by  a  "repetition-compulsion"  as  well  as  by  the  pleasure-principle. 
The  pleasure-principle  causes  one  to  remember  the  pleasant  experi- 
ences and  to  forget  the  unpleasant  experiences.  It  even  enables  one 
to  reconstruct  his  experiences  in  such  fashion  as  to  make  them 
pleasurable.  This  gives  rise  to  memory  distortions  and  the  so-called 
"happy  days"  of  childhood.  On  the  other  hand,  the  "repetition-im- 
pulse" is  a  tendency  that  seems  to  go  beyond  the  pleasure-principle. 
This  compulsion  appears  to  force  the  individual  to  repeat  or  to  reenact 
earlier  experiences  without  regard  to  their  pleasant  or  unpleasant  tone. 
In  many  instances  the  pleasure-principle  enables  one  to  derive  some 
type  of  pleasure  from  the  experience  that  it  thus  worked  over,  but 
this  is  not  always  true. 

What  concerns  us  here  is  the  fact  that  Freud  has  modified  his 
earlier  position.  He  now  asserts  the  probable  operation  of  the  two 
different  principles  in  play  behavior,  i.e.,  the  "pleasure-principle"  and 
the  "repetition-compulsion"  principle.  However,  one  is  left  in  doubt 
as  to  whether  the  latter  is  able  to  operate  independently  of  the  former. 

E.  S.  Robinson  ('20)  attempted  to  show  by  retrospective  analysis 
that  the  child's  make-believe  play  compensates  for  his  lack  of  physical 
prowess  and  for  the  cramping  influence  of  the  environment  in  which 
he  finds  himself.-^  Robinson's  concept  of  play  as  compensatory  is  to 
some  extent  similar  to  that  of  the  Freudians.  His  phrase  "lack  of 
prowess"  is  suggestive  of  Miss  Appleton's  theory  regarding  play. 
Spencer  too  anticipated  the  principle  of  compensatory  satisfaction. 
(See  reference  No.  27.) 

G.  T.  W.  Patrick  ('16)  stated  that  the  play  behavior  of  the  adult  is 
due  to  a  demand  of  the  higher  cerebral  centers  for  relaxation.'' 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY       23 

"...  there  are  some  brain  centers,  or  some  brain  tracts,  or  some  forms 
of  cerebral  functioning,  that  are  put  under  severe  strain  in  our  modern 
strenuous  life  and  there  must  be  some  kind  of  activity  which  will  relieve 
these  centers,  or  these  tracts,  during  a  considerable  portion  of  each  waking 
day  and  involve  other  centers  not  so  subject  to  exhaustion.  Such  activity  we 
call  play  or  sport.  Perhaps  the  word  'relaxation'  would  be  a  more  exact 
description  of  it."  ^* 

According  to  Patrick,  play  is  due  to  a  desire  for  a  change  of  work. 
The  theory  is  valid  but  also  is  partial.  Furthermore,  this  basic  con- 
ception was  set  forth  previously  by  other  writers. 

Referring  to  the  "recreation  theory"  Bowen  and  Mitchell  have 
written  the  following: 

"This  idea  of  play  is  an  old  one.  It  was  expressed  200  years  ago  by 
Lord  Kames,  English  nobleman  and  philosopher,  when  he  said,  Tlay  is  neces- 
sary for  man  in  order  to  refresh  himself  after  labor.'  A  century  ago  Guts 
Muths,  a  German  teacher  who  is  sometimes  called  'the  father  of  physical 
training,'  published  a  book  entitled  Games  for  the  Exercise  and  Recreation 
of  Body  and  Mind.  Guts  Muths,  whose  work  was  with  children,  empha- 
sized the  recreative  value  of  play  and  also  its  value  for  development  and 
training.  .  .  .  One  of  the  strongest  supporters  in  recent  years  was  Pro- 
fessor Lazarus  of  the  University  of  Berlin,  who  urged  people  to  'Flee  from 
empty  idleness  to  active  recreation  in  play.'  .  .  .  Professor  G.  T.  W.  Patrick, 
of  the  University  of  Iowa,  in  his  Psychology  of  Relaxation,  sustains  the 
recreation  theory  and  goes  farther  to  explain  it  than  any  previous  writer."  ^^ 

It  was  stated  previously  that  any  definition  or  "explanation"  of  play 
must  be  incomplete.  This  fact  need  not  bother  the  psychologist  or 
the  educator.  Slosson  points  to  the  futility  of  trying  to  state  what 
electricity  really  is. 

"You  can  make  an  electrician  mad  ...  by  interrupting  his  explanation 
of  a  dynamo  by  asking:  'But  you  cannot  tell  me  what  electricity  really  is.' 
The  electrician  does  not  care  a  rap  what  electricity  'really  is'  .  .  .  if  there 
really  is  any  meaning  to  that  phrase.  All  he  wants  to  know  is  what  he 
can  do  with  it."  ^^ 

The  same  statements  might  be  made  with  equal  validity  regarding 
play.     Play  is  behavior  and  is  of  importance  to  the  educator  per  se. 


24  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

The  present  writers  will  avoid  offering  any  "explanation"  of  play. 
Indeed,  the  mere  fact  that  children  are  organic  beings  is  sufficient  to 
account  for  the  fact  that  they  are  active. 

More  than  a  century  ago  Guts  Muths  stated  that  complete 
quiescence  is  intolerable  to  the  human  being.  Muths  considered  that 
this  alone  is  sufficient  to  account  for  the  phenomenon  of  play. 

"Guts  Muths  (1796)  considered  the  natural  impulse  to  activity  as  the 
creator  of  play,  and  that  ennui  is  always  and  only  a  favoring  condition.  The 
first  object  of  play  is  the  pleasure  of  activity,  the  second  is  the  recovery  of 
protection  from  ennui.  .  .  .  Ennui  he  considered  as  one  of  the  most  oppres- 
sive of  evils — a  sickness."  ^" 

Dewey  recently  has  shown  that  all  organic  beings  are  naturally 
active  and  that  it  is  therefore  unnecessary  to  seek  any  further  ex- 
planation for  the  fact  that  they  are  active  than  the  fact  that  they  are 
alive. 

"As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  the  theory  of  surplus  energy  seems  to  be 
influenced  by  a  survival  of  the  once  general  conception  that  individuals  are 
naturally  averse  to  any  kind  of  activity;  that  complete  quiescence  is  the 
natural  state  of  organic  beings ;  and  that  some  fear  of  pain  or  hope  of  pleasure 
is  required  in  order  to  stir  individuals  to  effort  which  in  itself  is  painful.  The 
fact  of  the  case  is  that  from  intra-organic  stimuli,  the  organism  is  in  a  constant 
state  of  action,  activity  indeed  being  the  very  essence  of  life.  When  the 
myth  of  natural  quiescence  is  surrendered  with  its  accompanying  myth  of  the 
need  of  a  special  premium  in  order  to  arouse  an  inert  agent,  it  ceases  to  be 
necessary  to  search  for  any  special  object  in  order  to  account  for  play.  The 
only  thing  necessary  is  to  state  the  conditions  under  which  organic  activity 
takes  this  or  that  form."  °^ 

Play  may  be  regarded  as  consisting  largely  of  the  activities  in  which 
the  individual  engages  "just  because  he  wants  to."  The  above  state- 
ment has  certain  limitations.  At  certain  times  an  individual  may  eat, 
sleep,  etc.,  "just  because  he  wants  to."  Of  course  such  activities  would 
not  be  regarded  as  play.  But  most  of  the  remaining  activities  in  the 
behavior  stream  (when  such  purely  physiological  reactions  as  eating, 
sleeping,  etc.,  are  eliminated)  in  which  the  child  takes  part  of  his  own 
volition  may  be  considered  his  play  life.    The  writers  have  found  this 


THEORIES  WHICH  SEEK  TO  "EXPLAIN"  PLAY       25 

distinction  a  useful  one  in  studying  the  child.  They  have  therefore 
considered  as  play  those  behavior  manifestations  in  general  which  the 
child  exhibits  ''just  because  he  wants  to." 

The  present  writers  will  make  no  attempt  to  explain  the  fact  of 
play.  They  will  content  themselves  with  a  discussion  of  the  conditions 
under  which  various  types  of  play  occur.  The  goal  is,  of  course,  better 
to  understand  and  control  human  behavior. 


REFERENCES 

1.  Groos,  Karl.     The  Play  of  Animals.     New  York.     D.  Appleton  and   Co.     1898. 
Pp.  xxvi-341.     (p.  2  f.) 

2.  Bowen,  Wilbur  P.  and  Mitchell,  Elmer  D.     The  Theory  and  Practice  of  Organized- 
Play.    New  York.     A.  S.  Barnes  and  Company.     1023.     Vol.  I,  Pp.  vi;i-402.     (p.   182.) 

3.  Schiller,  Friedrich.     Essays,  ^'sthetical  and  Philosophical.     I^ondon.     George  Bell 
and  Sons.     1875.     435  pp.     (p.  112.) 

4.  Hobhouse,   L.   T.   Mental  Evolution.     London.     Macmillan   and   Company,   Ltd 
1901.    Pp.  xiv-415.     (p.  8.) 

5.  Schiller,  Friedrich.     op.  cit.     p.  113  f. 

6.  Schiller,  Friedrich.     op.  cit.     p.  71  ff.  and  112  ff. 

7.  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.     The  Psychology  of  Relaxation.     Boston  and  New  York.     The 
Houghton  Mifflin  Company.     1916.     Pp.  viii-280.     (p.  33.) 

8.  Lee,  Joseph.     Quoted  by   Curtis,   Henry  S.,   in   Education   Through  Play.     New 
York.     The  Macmillan  Company.     1922.     Pp.  xix-359.     (p.  3.) 

9.^  Groos,  Karl.     The  Play   of  Animals.     New  York.     D.   Appleton  and   Company 
1915.    Pp.  xxvi-341.     (p.  5.) 

10.  McDougall,  William.     Social  Psychology.     Boston.     John  W.  Luce  &  Co.     1918 
418  pp.     (p.  111.) 

11.  Groos,  Karl.     The  Play  of  Animals,    op.  cit.  p.  23. 

12.  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.     op.  cit.    p.  32. 

13.  Curtis,  Henry  S.    op.  cit.    p.  3. 

14.  Spencer,  Herbert.     The  Principles  of  Psychology.     In  two  Vol.     New  York.     D. 
Appleton  and  Company.     1873.     Vol.  II.     Pp.  viii-648'     (p.  635.) 

15.  Cabot,  Richard  C.     What  Men  Live  By.     Boston.     Houghton  Mifflin  Co.     1914 
Pp.  xxi-341.     (p.  101.) 

16.  Lee,  Joseph.     Play  in  Education.    New  York.     The  Macmillan  Company.     1923. 
Pp.  xxiii-500.     (p.  viii.) 

17.  Gulick,  Luther  Halsey.     A  Philosophy  of  Play.     New  York.     Charles  Scribner's 
Sons.     1920.     Pp.  xvi-291.     (p.  272.) 

18.  Ebbinghaus,    Hermann.      Psychology;    An    Elementary    Text.      Translated    and 
edited  by  Max  Meyer.    Boston.    D.  C.  Heath  &  Co.     1908.    Pp.  viii-215.     (p.  198.) 

19.  Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.     p.  627  f. 

20.  Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.     p.  627. 

21.  Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.     p.  629. 

22.  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.     op.  cit.     p.  Z2  f. 

23.  Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.    p.  629. 

24.  Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.     p.  630. 
2i.    Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.    p.  630. 

26.  Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.    p.  630  f. 

27.  Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.    p.  631. 

28.  Robinson,  E.  S.    "The  Compensatory  Function  of  Make-Believe  Play."    Psycho 
Rev.     1920,  27.    Pp.  429-39. 

29.  Woodworth,  Robert  S.    Psychology;  A  Study  of  Mental  Life.    New  York.    Henry 
Holt  and  Company.     1921.     Pp.  x-S80.     (p.  494.) 


26  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

30.  Spencer,  Herbert,     op.  cit.    p.  631. 

31.  Good,  H.  G.  "The  Sources  of  Spencer's  Education."  Journal  of  Educational 
Research.    May,  1926.    13.    Pp.  325-336. 

32.  Good,  H.  G.     op.  cit.    p.  335. 

33.  Cabot,  Richard  C.     op.  cit.    p.  96. 

34.  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.     op.  cit.    p.  36. 

35.  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.     op.  cit.     p.  38. 

36.  Bowen,  Wilbur  P.  and  Mitchell,  Elmer  D.     op.  cit.    p.  191. 

37.  Bowen,  Wilbur  P.  and  Mitchell,  Elmer  D.     op.  cit.    p.  192. 

38.  Norsworthy,  Naomi,  and  Whitley,  Mary  T.  The  Psychology  of  Childhood 
New  York.    The  Macmillan  Co.     1922.     Pp.  xix-37S.     (p.  207.) 

39.  Dorsey,  George  A.  Why  We  Behave  Like  Human  Beings.  New  York.  Harper 
and  Brothers.     1925.     Pp.  xv-5l2.     (p.  345.) 

40.  (a)  Breed,  F.  S.  "The  Development  of  Certain  Instincts  and  Habits  in  Chicks." 
Behavior  Monographs.     1911.     /.  pp.  i-78. 

(b)  Shepard,  J.  F.,  and  Breed,  F.  S.     "Maturation  and  Use  in  the  Development 
of  an  Instinct."     Journal  of  Animal  Behavior.     1913.     ///.  pp.  274-285. 

41.  Seashore,  Carl.  Psychology  in  Daily  Life.  New  York.  D.  Appleton  and  Com- 
pany.    1916.     Pp.  xvii-22S.'     (p.  2.) 

42.  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.     op.  cit.    p.  33. 

43.  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.     op.  cit.     p.  42  f. 

44.  Carr,  Harvey  A.  "The  Survival  Values  of  Play."  Investigations  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Psvchologv  and  Education  of  the  University  of  Colorado.    Vol.  I,  No.  2,  Pp.  1-47. 

(p.  18.) 

45.  Hall,  G.  Stanley.  Youth.  New  York.  D.  Appleton  and  Company.  1920. 
Pp.  x-379.     Chapter  VI.' 

46.  Hall,  G.  Stanley,     op.  cit.    p.  74. 

47.  Norsworthy,  Naomi,  and  Whitley,  Mary  T.     op.  cit.    p.  208. 

48.  McDougall,  William,     op.  cit.    p.  113. 

49.  Groos,  Karl.     The  Play  of  Animals,     op.  cit.     p.  19. 

50.  Appleton,  Lilla  Estella.  A  Comparative  Study  of  the  Play  Activities  of  Adult 
Savages  and  Civilized  Children;  An  Investigation  of  the  Scientific  Basis  of  Education. 
Chicago.    The  University  of  Chicago  Press.     1910.     94  pp. 

51.  Norsworthy,  Naomi,  and  Whitley,  Mary  T.     op.  cit.     p.  209. 

52.  Freud,  Sigm.  Drei  Abhandlungen  zur  Sexualtheorie.  Leipzig  and  Wien.  F. 
Deuticke.     1905.     86  pp. 

53.  Freud,  Sigm,  Beyond  the  Pleasure  Principle.  The  International  Psycho -analytical 
Press.    London.     1922.     90  pp.     (pp.  11-17.) 

54.  Patrick,  G.  T.  W.     op.  cit.     p.  49. 

55.  Bowen,  Wilbur  P.  and  Mitchell,  Elmer  D.     op.  cit.     p.  184. 

56.  Slosson,  Edwin  E.  Creative  Chemistry.  New  York.  The  Century  Co.  1919. 
Pp.  iii-311.     (p.  71.) 

57.  Johnson,  George  E.  Education  by  Plays  and  Games.  New  York.  Ginn  and 
Company.     1907.     Pp.  xiv-234.     (p.  34.) 

58.  Dewey,  John.  In  A  Cvclopedia  of  Education.  Edited  by  Paul  Monroe.  New 
York.    The  Macmillan  Co.    192'5.    Vol.  Ill  and  IV.    Pp.  xi-740.     (p.  725.) 


CHAPTER  III 

TECHNIQUES  PREVIOUSLY  EMPLOYED  IN  STUDYING 

PLAY  BEHAVIOR 

The  play  life  of  children  is  a  phenomenon  of  many  variables.  The 
findings  of  a  given  investigation  are  therefore  to  a  large  extent  a  func- 
tion of  the  technique  employed.  Chase  noted  this  fact  when  the  results 
obtained  by  the  use  of  direct  personal  observation  differed  from  those 
secured  by  questionnaire  methods.^  It  therefore  becomes  necessary 
to  evaluate  various  methods  and  to  consider  the  results  of  investiga- 
tions in  the  light  of  the  techniques  employed.  This  chapter  presents 
a  resume  of  typical  procedures  employed  by  representative  investiga- 
tors.    Data  obtained  by  various  techniques  are  also  presented, 

DEVICES  USED  IN  IDENTIFICATION   OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

The  literature  in  the  field  reveals  the  following  types  of  investiga- 
tions : 

(a)  Questionnaire. 

(b)  Checking  activities  from  a  printed  list. 

(c)  Personal  observation. 

(d)  Pooling  or  averaging  of  opinions. 

(e)  The  recreational  survey. 

(a)   The  Questionnaire  Method 

The  questionnaire  method  predominated  as  a  means  of  investigating 
play  behavior  during  the  last  decade  of  the  20th  century;  this  method 
is  still  commonly  used.  The  impetus  lent  to  this  method  was  prob- 
ably an  outgrowth  of  the  far-reaching  results  obtained  by  G.  Stanley 
Hall  and  his  students. 

Monroe  employed  a  very  brief  form  of  the  questionnaire,  asking 
children  to  write  answers  to  the  following  questions:-     "What  games 

27 


28  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

do  you  like  to  play  in  summer,  and  why?"  Included  in  the  study  were 
978  boys  and  1072  girls  ranging  in  age  from  seven  to  sixteen  years. 
Monroe's,  data  yielded  332  different  play  activities,  54  of  which  were 
mentioned  only  once.  These  54  items  were  discarded  and  the  re- 
maining 278  games  were  grouped  into  nine  categories  under  the  follow- 
ing headings: 

Per  Cent 
Type  of  Game.  mentioning  it. 

Ball    games 32 

Chase  games 31 

Motion  games 10 

•Occupation  games 5 

Parlori  games 3 

Lov'e  games 3 

Animal  games Ij^ 

Guessing    games 1^ 

Miscellaneous    14 

The  objection  to  the  preceding  classification  is  its  subjectivity.  It 
is  extremely  doubtful  that  two  independent  investigators  would  classify 
the  list  of  activities  in  the  same  manner.  The  overlapping  of  the 
various  categories  is  apparent. 

It  is  of  interest  that  Monroe  fails  to  report  the  results  obtained  for 
the  second  question.  Why  do  children  like  to  play  games  during  the 
summer? 

Croswell  used  a.  more  elaborate  form  of  questionnaire^  than  did 
Monroe.  However,  his  questions  were  of  the  same  general  type.  Ap- 
proximately 2,000  school  children  of  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  were 
included  in  Croswell's  study.  The  children  were  asked  to  give  answers 
to  "Questionnaire  No.  VIII,  issued  in  the  fall  of  1896  by  Clark  Univer- 
sity." 

TOPICAL  SYLLABI  FOR  CHILD  STUDY 

(Series  for  Academic  Year  1896-7) 
VIII.     Spontaneously  Invented  Toys  and  Amusements. 

A.    For  Children.     (Teachers  are  requested  to  ask  their  pupils  to 
answer  this  part  of  the  syllabus.) 


TECHNIQUES  PREVIOUSLY  EMPLOYED  29 

Write  your  (a)  name,  (b)  age,  (c)  sex,  and  (d)  state  whether 
3^ou  live  in  the  city  or  country. 
I.    What  toys  or  playthings  do  you  use  most  (a)  in  winter,  (b)  in 

spring,  (c)  in  summer,  (d)  in  fall? 
II.    What  games  and  plays  do  you  play  most  (a)  in  winter,  (b)  in 
spring,  (c)  in  summer,  (d)  in  fall? 

III.  Which  of  these  are  (a)  your  favorite  playthings?  (b)  your 
favorite  plays?  Do  you  use  most  of  the  toys  and  games  you 
like  best?     If  not,  why  not? 

IV.  Name  other  (a)  games,  and  (b)  playthings  which  you  used 
when  younger.  Give  age  at  which  each  was  used  most.  Show 
your  choice  as  above. 

VIII.    Describe  any  games  you  or  your  friends  have  invented.    How 
long  did  you  play  them  before  giving  them  up?     To  what 
extent  did  other  children  imitate  them? 
IX.    What  do  you  play,  or  how  do  you  amuse  yourself    (a)  When 
alone?   (b)  When  only  two  or  three  are  together?   (c)  When 
more  than  three? 
X.    What  do  you  do  for  amusement  evenings? 
XL    What  games  do  you  play  on  Sunday?     What  else  do  you  do 
to  amuse  yourself? 
''As  a  means  of  investigating  the  creative  work  of  the  child,"  says 
Croswell;  "the  following  request^  were  made." 

V.    Describe  any  playthings,  no  matter  how  poor,  which  (a)  you 
have  ever  made,  (b)  your  friends  have  made. 
VII.    Describe  anything  you  have  repeatedly  attempted  to  make, 
or  wanted  to  do,  but  did  not  know  how. 
A  questionnaire  of  the  above  nature  assumes  the  child  to  be  capable 
of  introspective  analysis  and  verbal  report  to  an  unwarranted  degree. 
The  preceding  questionnaire  is  of  interest  at  the  present  time  merely 
because  it  is  illustrative  of  a  procedure  that  was  at  one  time  generally 
followed  in  obtaining  data  regarding  the  play  behavior  of  children. 

Croswell  thought  it  desirable  to  classify  the  resultant  data  "ac- 
cording to  their  most  prominent  function  in  the  development  of  the 
child."  He  accordingly  placed  in  a  single  category  those  activities 
"aiding  most  directly  in  the  motor  development.'^  In  another  main 
division  he  placed  those  activities  "productive  of  general  idea  not  dis- 


30  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

tinctly  motor."  Sub-groupings  were  made  under  headings  equally 
ambiguous;  curves  were  plotted  and  labelled  as  follows:  "Amusements 
tending  toward  physical  development."  "Interest  in  traditional 
amusements,"  etc. 

(b)  Checking  Activities  from  a  Printed  List 

While  Croswtell  was  investigating  the  play  interests  of  the  public 
school  children  of  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  a  similar  study  was  being 
conducted  in  South  Carolina  by  Zack  McGhee.*  Neither  of  these  in- 
vestigators was  aware  of  the  work  of  the  other  until  after  both  studies 
had  been  completed.  McGhee  requested  children  to  check  their  five 
favorite  play  activities  from  an  extensive  list.  McGhee  did  not  ask 
the  children  to  explain  why  they  were  fond  of  particular  activities, 
realizing  that  "children  are  not  accustomed  to  analyze  their  likes  and 
dislikes."  ('00,  p.  458  f.) 

McGhee's  study  is  more  reliable  than  that  of  Croswell  as  the  task 
set  for  the  children  was  more  nearly  in  accord  with  their  abilities.  The 
investigation  was  carried  on  at  two  times  during  the  year,  4,566  chil- 
dren were  examined  in  December  and  4,152  in  May.  McGhee  included 
several  localities  in  his  study. 

McGhee  classified  the  activities  "according  to  the  element  of  interest 
found  in  them."  ('00,  p.  459  f.)    The  following  classifications  resulted: 

1.  Groups  of  plays  in  which  running  is  the  predominant  interest. 

2.  Groups  of  plays  in  which  chance  is  predominant. 

3.  Groups  of  plays  in  which  imitation  is  the  predominant  element. 

4.  Groups  of  plays  in  which  rivalry  plays  the  most  important  part, 
the  object  of  the  game  being  to  best  an  opponent. 

5.  Groups  of  plays  in  which  cooperation  is  predominant. 

Categories  such  as  those  given  above  are  obviously  arbitrary  and 
of  questionable  validity.  For  example,  it  is  very  difficult  to  identify 
those  activities  in  which  the  element  of  rivalry  predominates. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  McGhee's  classification  is  arbitrary  his 
study  is  of  considerable  interest.  McGhee  found  that  two  play  activities 
were  consistently  and  conspicuously  popular  among  the  boys.  How- 
ever, a  correspondingly  narrow  range  of  popular  activities  was  not 
demonstrated  by  the  girls.    Many  activities  were  equally  well-liked  by 


TECHNIQUES  PREVIOUSLY  EMPLOYED  31 

the  girls.  The  two  most  popular  activities  of  the  boys  were  baseball 
and  football.*  McGhee  pointed  out  that  a  common  element  of  these 
two  games  is  their  high  degree  of  organization.  Both  of  these  games 
are  played  in  accordance  with  rather  carefully  specified  rules  which 
are  accepted  by  common  consent.  Among  girls  less  than  twelve  years 
of  age,  unorganized  plays,  such  as  plays  with  dolls,  jumping  rope,  etc., 
were  decidedly  popular.  McGhee  concluded  that  a  conspicuous  sex 
difference  is  apparent  in  the  tendency  of  boys  to  prefer  games  requir- 
ing a  high  degree  of  organization.  This  tendency  was  not  demonstrated 
by  the  girls  studied. 

One  of  the  latest  studies  of  play  behavior  is  that  of  Terman.*^ 
Six  hundred  and  forty-three  gifted  children  were  included  in  Terman's 
investigation.  The  children  were  asked  to  rate  90  play  activities  with 
respect  to  their  interest  in  them,  their  knowledge  of  them,  and  the  time 
devoted  to  them.  Then  followed  an  information  test  on  plays  and 
games. 

Analysis  of  results  yielded  masculinity  indices,  maturity  indices, 
and  indices  of  sociability  and  activity  as  regards  play  interests. 

No  significant  difference  between  gifted  and  control  children  was 
found  in  the  masculinity  indices.  Maturity  indices  were  one  to  two 
years  higher  for  the  gifted  than  for  the  control  and  were  somewhat 
higher  for  boys  than  girls.  Gifted  children  played  alone  slightly  more 
than  the  control.  They  preferred  playmates  who  were  older  more 
often  than  the  control.  The  gifted  children  excelled  greatly  in  all 
kinds  of  play  information  although  they  devoted  a  little  less  time  to 
play  than  did  the  control  group. 

(c)  Direct  Personal  Observation 

Chase  ('03)  made  a  study  of  the  street  games  of  New  York  chil- 
dren.^ Chase's  study  is  of  interest  chiefly  because  of  the  technique 
employed.  Chase  assembled  his  data  by  the  method  of  direct  personal 
observation.  Chase  objected  to  the  use  of  the  questionnaire  on  the 
following  grounds: 

1.     When  the  children  are  questioned  relative  to  their  play  activities, 

*  Were  McGhee's  study  to  be  repeated  at  the  present  time  (1926)  basket  ball  would 
doubtless  be  found  to  compete  with  football  in  popularity. 


32  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

those  games  which  have  most  recently  been  participated  in  are  hkely   to 
receive  undue  emphasis. 

2.  The  games  most  liked  are  not  necessarily  identical  with  those  which 
are  most  frequently  engaged  in. 

3.  Children  Avhen  questioned  give  very  little  information  concerning 
gambling,  craps,  and  other  activities  which  are  under  the  social  ban.  ('05, 
p.  503  f.) 

In  order  that  he  might  obtain  more  precise  information  than  he 
thought  possible  by  the  use  of  the  questionnaire  method,  Chase  walked 
through  the  crowded  tenement  district  of  New  York  City  from  time 
to  time  during  a  period  covering  two  years  and  noted  the  play  life. 
The  following  items  were  recorded:  (1)  The  different  games  that 
were  being  played.  (2)  The  number  of  children  playing  each  game. 
(3)  The  amount  of  interest.     (4)  The  date. 

Chase's  list  of  the  ten  most  popular  play  activities  is  unlike  any 
lists  which  were  compiled  from  the  answers  to  questionnaires.  Al- 
though Chase  avoided  the  inherent  weaknesses  of  the  questionnaire 
his  own  procedure  is  of  doubtful  validity. 

At  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  the  then  novel  method  of  having  ob- 
servers stationed  at  various  points  in  the  city  was  employed.*^  At  a 
given  time  these  observers  made"  note  of  the  play  behavior  of  all 
children  in  sight,  the  attempt  being  to  obtain  by  this  method  a  cross- 
sectional  view  of  the  play  life  of  Ipswich  children. 

At  Cleveland,  Ohio,  this  same  procedure  was  tried  on  a  much 
larger  scale  along  with  a  variety  of  other  procedures.'' 

Miss  Ruth  Andrus  recently  completed  a  study  of  the  habits  of 
the  pre-school  child  by  the  use  of  the  method  of  observation.®  Diaries 
of  52  children  in  four  nursery  schools  in  New  York  City  were  kept  by 
69  students,  each  student  observing  one  child  for  15  hours.  Miss 
Andrus'  study  is  illustrative  of  the  enormous  amount  of  time  and  labor 
involved  when  the  observation  method  is  employed  in  studying  a  small 
group  of  children. 

With  older  children  this  method  is  not  always  feasible  for  the 
following  reasons: 

1.  Errors  in  identifying  plays  and  games  are  likely  to  be  encountered. 

2.  Make-believe  play  and  day-dreaming  are  seldom  revealed  by  this 
method. 


TECHNIQUES  PREVIOUSLY  EMPLOYED  33 

3.  The  child's  play  behavior  is  likely  to  be  modified  if  he  suspects 
himself  to  be  under  surveillance. 

4.  It  is  impossible  to  observe  all  of  the  play  behavior  of  any  consider- 
able number  of  children  during  all  hours  of  the  day  and  night. 

(d)  Pooling  or  Averaging  of  Opinions 

Naismith  ('14)  attempted  to  construct  a  chart  showing  the  ages 
at  which  boys  start  playing  various  games,  and  the  ages  at  which  they 
cease  to  play  them.^  Naismith  used  the  averages  of  estimates  which 
he  secured  from  questionnaires  sent  to  "the  leading  directors  of 
physical  education  in  colleges,  private  preparatory  schools,  and  high 
schools." 

These  directors  presumably  obtained  their  information  by  means 
of  personal  observation.  A  resultant  chart  presumed  to  show  that 
some  games  are  much  more  valuable  than  others  on  account  of  their 
longevity.  The  chart  possesses  some  value.  It  would  have  been  of 
much  greater  value  had  it  resulted  from  an  actual  behavior  study  of 
children. 

(e)  Recreational  Surveys 

During  the  past  dozen  years  there  have  been  numerous  recreational 
surveys.  Many  of  these  surveys  have  yielded  lists  of  recreational 
facilities  together  with  suggestions  for  the  improvement  and  expansion 
of  these  facilities.  Such  surveys  have  been  made  in  California  ('14)^*' 
and  New  York  ('19),"  and  in  the  following  cities:  Ipswich,  Mass. 
('19),'  Cleveland,  Ohio  ('20),'  Indianapolis  ('14),"  Madison,  Wis- 
consin ('15),"  Peoria,  Illinois  ('16),"  and  Gary,  Indiana  ('18)." 

Most  of  these  studies  reveal  little  in  regard  to  the  extent  to  which 
children  participate  in  the  recreational  facilities  provided.  The  play 
behavior  of  the  child  is,  of  course,  much  more  important  to  the 
psychologist  than  the  play  facilities  provided  for  his  use. 

REFERENCES 

1.  Chase,  J.  H.  "Street  Games  of  New  York  City."  Fed.  Sent  1905  12 
503-04. 

2.  Monroe,  W.  S.  "Play  Interests  of  Children."  American  Education  Review  1899 
4,  358-65. 

^,  3.    Croswell,    T.    R.      "Amusements    of    Worcester    School    Children."      Fed     Sem 

§  1899,  6,  314-71. 


34  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

4.  McGhee,  Zack.  "Play  Life  of  Some  South  Carolina  Children."  Fed.  Sent.  1900, 
7,  459-91. 

5.  (a)  Terman,  Lewis  M.  Genetic  Studies  of  Genius.  Palo  Alto,  Cal.  Stanford 
University  Press.     1925.     Pp.  xv-648.     (pp.  437-39.) 

(b)  The  Twenty-Third  Yearbook  of  the  National  Society  for  the  Study  of  Educa- 
tion. Bloomington,  Illinois.  The  Public  School  Publishing  Company.  1924.  Chap.  9, 
pp.  155-169.     (pp.  163-164.) 

6.  Ipswich  Report.  Play  and  Recreation  in  a  Town  of  6000.  (A  Recreation  Survey 
of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts),  Howard  R.  Knight.  Russell  Sage  Foundation.  Department 
of  Recreation.    New  York  City.    1919. 

7.  Cleveland  Recreation  Survey.  The  Survey  Committee  of  the  Cleveland  Founda- 
tion.   Vol.  III.     Wholesome  Citizens  and  Sparetime.    By  John  E.  Gillin.     1920.     181  pp. 

8.  Andrus,  Ruth.  A  Tentative  Inventory  of  the  Habits  of  Children  from  Two  to 
Four  Years  of  Age.  New  York;  Teachers  College,  Columbia  University,  Contributions 
to  Education.    No.  160,  1924.     55  pp. 

9.  Naismith,  James.  "High  School  Athletics  as  an  Expression  of  the  Corporate  Life 
of  the  School."  (Chap.  XVII  of  The  Modern  High  School.  Edited  by  Charles  Hughes 
Johnston.     New  York.     Charles  Scribner's  Sons.     1914.     Pp.  xiv-847.) 

10.  (a)  Indianapolis  Recreation  Survey.  Prepared  for  the  General  Civic  Improve- 
ment Committee  of  the  Indianapolis  Chamber  of  Commerce.  Compiled  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Playground  and  Recreation  Association  of  America.     1914. 

(b)  Madison,  "The  Four  Lake  City,"  Recreational  Survey.  Prepared  by  a  Special 
Committee  of  the  Madison  Board  of  Commerce.  Madison,  Wisconsin.  Tracy  and  Kil- 
gore,  printers.     1915.    Pp.  ix-103. 

(c)  Peoria.  Report  of  the  Recreation  Conditions  and  Problems  of  Peoria,  with 
Recommendations  and  Suggested  System.  By  James  Edward  Rogers.  Peoria.  1916. 
Pp.  32. 

(d)  Gary.  The  Gary  Public  Schools.  Physical  Training  and  Play,  by  Lee  F.  Han- 
mer.    General  Education  Board.    New  York.     1918.    Pp.  xix-35. 

(e)  California.  California  Recreational  Inquiry  Committee.  Report  of  the  State 
Recreational  Inquiry  Committee. 

(f)  New  York.  New  York  Recreation  Circular.  State  of  New  York.  Conservation 
Commission.     Albany.     1919. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  METHOD  EMPLOYED  IN  THE  SERIES  OF 
INVESTIGATIONS  REPORTED  HEREIN 

The  realization  of  the  importance  of  identifying  the  activities  in 
which  children  spontaneously  engage  at  different  ages  has  resulted  in 
many  investigations  of  play.  Some  of  these  investigations  have  been 
discussed  in  the  preceding  chapter.  The  subjective  nature  of  play 
has  limited  the  workers  and  the  reports  of  the  investigators  are  to  no 
small  degree  controversial. 

It  was  mentioned  previously  that  the  present  writers  would  not 
attempt  to  define  play.  They  have  considered  as  play  those  behavior 
manifestations  which  individuals  exhibit  "just  because  they  want  to." 
The  term  play  will  be  used  to  designate  these  multitudinous  and 
diverse  activities.  The  present  chapter  will  include  a  description  of 
a  technique  used  for  disclosing:  (1)  the  play  activities  most  commonly 
engaged  in  by  representative  persons  from  five  to  twenty-two  years 
of  age  residing  in  certain  communities;  (2)  the  play  activities  best 
liked  by  these  individuals;  (3)  the  games  and  other  play  activities 
consuming  the  greatest  amount  of  time;  (4)  the  extent  to  which  a 
given  child  participates  with  other  children  in  his  play  activities,  and 
(5)  the  effect  upon  play  behavior  of  such  variables  as  age,  sex,  race, 
season,  intelligence,  community,  etc. 

In  the  case  of  children  old  enough  to  read,  the  plan  employed  was 
to  place  before  each  individual  a  comprehensive  list  of  200  play  ac- 
tivities, having  him  check  each  one  in  which  he  had  engaged  of  his 
own  volition  during  the  week  preceding  the  date  of  the  investigation. 
In  addition,  each  pupil  was  asked  to  indicate  the  three  activities  which 
had  given  him  the  most  fun  or  which  he  liked  best.  He  was  asked 
also  to  indicate  the  one  activity  to  which  he  thought  he  had  given  the 
most  time.  In  the  last  of  a  series  of  six  investigations  the  children 
were  asked  to  identify  and  indicate  those  activities  in  which  they  had 
participated  alone. 

35 


36  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

The  development  of  this  plan  proceeded  slowly.  The  general  pro- 
cedure was  decided  upon  only  after  long  deliberation.  The  plan  of 
having  the  children  check  a  printed  list  was  adopted  since  it  seemed 
the  most  feasible  manner  of  obtaining  significant  data. 

The  questionnaire  method  was  discarded  because  of  the  obvious 
limitations  set  forth  by  Thomdike;  ^  the  observation  method  was 
eliminated  as  it  was  thought  to  be  too  time  consuming  to  permit  securing 
sufficient  data  to  make  the  results  highly  significant. 

Some  of  the  items  of  the  list  were  obtained  from  the  studies  of 
Croswell  and  McGhee."  A  few  more  were  procured  from  the  Cleveland 
Survey.^  Several  competent  persons  were  asked  to  supplement  the 
list.  Since  play  is  so  subjective  a  phenomenon,  it  is  impossible  to 
compile  a  complete  list.  At  the  end  of  the  list  finally  assembled 
spaces  therefore  were  provided  in  which  items  omitted  could  be  added. 

A  preliminary  investigation  was  made  at.  Hibbing,  Minnesota,  in 
Sept.  1923,  for  the  purpose  of  determining  whether  the  proposed 
technique  would  procure  satisfactory  results.  The  resultant  data 
indicated  that  some  of  the  children  had  checked  all  the  activities  in 
which  they  had  participated  at  any  time.  Subsequent  studies  were 
made  at  Linwood,  Eudora,  and  Tonganoxie,  Kansas.  During  this 
preliminary  work  the  following  improvements  were  made  in  the  tech- 
nique: 

First.  The  list  of  play  activities  was  increased  from  140  to  200 
items.  Certain  of  the  activities  at  first  included  in  the  list  were  found 
to  be  indulged  in  only  rarely.  If  two  or  three  per  cent  only  of  the 
children  were  found  to  engage  in  an  activity  during  the  course  of  a 
week,  the  activity  was  removed  from  the  list  unless  it  was  thought 
to  be  highly  seasonal  in  character.  The  activities  added  were  those 
most  frequently  indicated  by  the  children  in  the  blank  spaces  provided 
for  that  purpose. 

Second.  The  alphabetical  arrangement  of  the  items  of  the  list  was 
abandoned.  It  was  found  that  with  alphabetical  arrangement  the  first 
items  of  the  list,  i.e.,  "Anty-over,"  etc.,  were  relatively  unfamiliar  to 
certain  children  and  caused  confusion  and  delay.  As  a  means  of  en- 
abling the  children  to  comprehend  the  directions  more  readily  the 
well-known  activities  were  placed  at  the  head  of  the  list.  These  in- 
cluded such  activities  as  "Football,"  "Basket  ball,"  and  "Baseball." 


THE  METHOD  EMPLOYED  37 

Third.  The  Hst  of  activities  was  found  to  be  too  long  to  be  finished 
at  a  single  sitting  by  third  and  fourth-grade  pupils.  Provision  was 
made  therefore  for  children  in  these  grades  to  spend  two  days  at  the 
task. 

Fourth.  The  directions  to  the  teachers  were  changed  repeatedly 
during  the  preliminary  work  and  those  finally  used  were  as  specific  as 
those  ordinarily  employed  for  the  giving  of  mental  tests.  Separate 
sets  of  directions  were  made  out  for  teachers  of  the  third  and  fourth 
grades.  In  these  greater  emphasis  was  placed  on  the  fact  that  the 
play  activities  engaged  in  during  the  past  week  only  were  to  be  checked. 
The  teachers  of  these  grades  were  instructed  to  read  aloud  the  list  of 
activities  to  their  pupils  to  insure  comprehension. 

Following  is  the  list  of  activities  chosen,  an  abbreviated  form  of 
the  directions  to  the  pupils,  and  certain  supplementary  data,  obtained 
from  the  pupils  in  the  first  four  investigations. 

PART  A 

What  things  have  you  been  doing  during  the  past  week  just  because 
you  wanted  to? 

Read  through  the  following  list  of  toys  and  games  and,  as  you  read 
through  the  list,  draw  a  circle  with  your  pencil  around  each  number  that 
stands  in  front  of  anything  that  you  have  been  playing  with  during  the  past 
week,  or  anything  that  you  have  been  doing  during  the  past  week  just 
because  you  wanted  to  do  it. 

1  Football.  16  Dominoes. 

2  Basket  ball.  17  Marbles. 

3  Baseball  with  a  hard  ball.  18  Roller  skating. 

^'^  4  Ball    with    an   indoor    or    play-        19  Sliding  on  a  playground  slide. 

ground  ball,  20  Sliding  on  a  toboggan  slide. 

^  5  Just  playing  catch. 

6  Volley  ball.  21  Coasting  on  a  coaster. 

7  Handball.  22  Coasting  on  a  wagon. 
•'8  Golf.  23  Coasting  on  a  sled. 

"••  9  Tennis.  24  Swinging. 

10.  Soccer.  25  Ice-skating. 

11  Boxing.  26  Sleigh-riding. 

12  Wrestling.  ^7  Riding  in  an  auto. 

13  Fencing.  28  Driving  an  auto. 

14  Checkers.  29  Riding  a  bicycle. 

15  Chess.  30  Horseback  riding. 


38 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


31  Rolling  a  hoop. 

32  Rolling  an  auto  tire. 
S3  Kiddie  car. 

34  Velocipede. 

35  Watching  athletic  sports, 

36  Excursions    to    woods,     parks, 

country,  etc. 

37  Gathering  fruit. 

38  Gathering  berries. 

39  Gathering  nuts. 

40  Gathering  flowers. 

41  Collecting    stamps,    birds'    eggs, 

and  so  on. 

42  Just  hiking  or  strolling. 

43  Going  to  the  movies. 

44  Going   to    entertainments,    con- 

certs, and  so  on. 

45  Going  to  parties  or  picnics. 

46  Sight-seeing. 

47  Attending  lectures. 

48  Visiting  or  entertaining  company. 

49  Chewing  gum. 

50  Smoking. 


51  Having  "dates." 

52  Just  loafing  or  lounging. 

53  Social  dancing. 

54  Folk-dancing. 

55  Card   games,    such   as   authors, 

bridge,  whist. 

56  Literary  clubs. 

57  Social  clubs,  or  being  with  the 

gang. 

58  Listening  to  the  victrola. 

59  Listening  to  the  radio. 

60  Playing  the  piano  (for  fun). 

61  Playing    other    musical    instru- 

ments for  fun. 

62  Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny 

paper." 

63  Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings. 

64  Reading  the  newspapers. 

65  Reading  short  stories. 


66  Reading  books. 

67  Telling  or  guessing  riddles. 

68  Telling  stories. 

69  Listening  to  stories. 

70  Writing  letters. 

71  Writing  poems. 

72  Telling  fortunes  or  having  for- 

tunes told. 

73  Hunting. 

74  Fishing. 

75  Boating  or  canoeing. 

76  Camping  out. 

77  Building  or  watching  bonfires. 

78  Climbing  porches,  trees,  fences, 

posts,  etc. 

79  Doing  gymnasium  work. 

80  Doing  stunts  in  the  gymnasium. 

81  Turning  handsprings,  cartwheels, 

etc. 

82  Doing  calisthenics. 

83  Playing  on  the  giant  stride. 

84  Playing  teeter-totter. 

85  Just  running  and  romping. 

86  Running  races. 

87  Hop,  skip,  and  jump. 

88  Jumping  for  distance. 

89  Jumping  for  height. 

90  Pole  vaulting. 

91  Leap  Frog. 

92  Hop-scotch. 

93  Jumping  or  skipping  rope. 

94  Other  hopping  games  played  on 

sidewalk. 

95  Follow  your  leader. 

96  Fox  and  geese. 

97  Hare  and  hounds. 

98  Run  sheep  run. 

99  Hide  and  seek. 
100  Blind  man's  buff. 


THE  METHOD  EMPLOYED 


39 


101  Hide  the  button. 

102  Hide  the  thimble. 

103  Anty-over. 

104  Black  man. 

105  Other  tag  games. 


106  Crack  the  whip. 

107  Whisthng. 

108  Dodgeball. 

109  Captain  ball. 

110  Dare  base. 

111  Prisoner's  base. 

112  Bean  bags. 

113  Duck  on  the  rock. 

114  Jacks. 

115  Matching  pennies. 

116  Throwing  dice  or  playing  "Put 

and  Take." 

117  Stealing  water  melons,  fruit,  etc., 

for  fun. 

118  Playing  pool. 

119  Billiards. 

120  Bowling. 

121  Croquet. 

122  Pitching  horseshoes. 

123  Quoits. 

124  Mumbly  peg. 

125  Jackstraws. 

3rd  and  4th  grades  stop 
here  ist  day  * 

126  Throwing  rocks  or  stones. 

127  Shinny  on  your  own  side. 

128  Pillow  fiRhts. 

129  Snowball  fights. 

130  Teasing  somebody. 

131  Teasing  birds  or  animals. 

132  Bow  and  arrows. 

133  Shooting  a  gun. 

134  Playing  in  the  sand. 

135  Wading  in  the  water. 


136  Building  a  dam. 

137  Swimming. 

138  Dressing  up  in  older  folks'  cloth- 

ing. 

139  Playing  circus. 

140  Playing  house. 

141  Playing  horse. 

142  Playing  store. 

143  Playing  school. 

144  Playing  church. 

145  Playing  Sunday  school. 

146  Playing  doctor. 

147  Playing  nurse. 

148  Playing  bandit. 

149  Playing  soldier. 

150  Playing  cowboy. 

151  Playing  Indian. 

152  Train    conductor,    engineer    or 

brakeman. 

153  Playing  robber  and  police. 

154  Playing  movie  actor  or  actress. 

155  Playing       other       make-believe 

games. 

156  Just  imagining  things. 

157  Statuary. 

158  Charades. 

159  "Here  I  come"— "Where  from?" 

160  Tin-tin. 


161  Post-office. 

162  Spin  the  pan. 

163  London  Bridge.  •■ 

164  Other  singing  games. 
^165  Just  singing. 

166  Drop  the  handkerchief. 

167  Three  deep. 

168  Other  ring  games. 

169  Old  witch. 

170  Pussy  wants  a  corner. 

*  In  order  to  avoid  fatigue,  the  younger  pupils  used  two  periods  on  two  successive 
days. 


40 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


171  Making  mud  pies,  mud  dolls,  etc.  186  Toy  airplanes,  toy  balloons,  toy 

172  Clay  modeling.  parachutes. 

'173  Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  187  Toy  trains,  ships,  autos,  wagons, 

or  crayon.  etc. 

174  Painting  with  water-colors.  188  Playing  fire  engine  (or  hook  and 

175  Cutting  paper  things  with  scis-  ladder). 

sors.  189  Looking  at  pictures. 

190  Toy  blocks. 


176  Making  a  scrap-book. 

177  Taking  snapshots. 

178  Stringing  beads. 

179  Sewing,      knitting,      crocheting, 

etc.,  for  fun. 

180  Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc., 

for  fun. 


191  Toy  horn,  toy  drum,  etc. 

192  Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes, 

etc. 

193  Other  toys. 

194  Picture  puzzles. 

195  Wire  puzzles,  string  puzzles. 


181  Digging  caves  or  dens. 

182  Building  snow  men,  snow  forts, 

snow  houses. 

183  Spinning  tops. 

184  Flying  kites. 

185  Walking  on  stilts. 


196  Making  or  using  a  wireless  or 
other  electrical  apparatus. 

197  Playing  with  pet  dogs. 

198  Playing  with  pet  kittens. 

199  Playing  with  pet  rabbits. 

200  Playing  with  other  pets. 

jot    Vi2J<x\oc^       ;. 
PART  B-^Oi  OV  U*'  " 

Write  on  the  blank  lines  below  the  names  of  any  toys  or  games  or  other 
things  which  took  up  some  of  your  time  during  the  past  week,  and  which 
you  liked,  but  which  are  not  included  in  the  printed  list. 


201 


206 


202 


207 


203 
204 
205 


208 
209 
210 


Now  go  back  and  look  at  each  circle  that  you  have  made.  If  you  have 
made  any  circles  in  front  of  things  that  you  did  not  actually  do  during  the 
past  week,  draw  a  line  through  them. 


PART  C 

Now  look  over  all  the  numbers  that  you  have  put  circles  around  and 
write  on  the  blank  lines  below  the  numbers  of  the  three  things  that  gave 


THE  METHOD  EMPLOYED  •    41 

you  the  most  fun,  or  that  you  liked  best.     //  you  are  not  sure,  just  guess. 

I  liked  number best  of  all.    I  -liked  number next  best. 

I  liked  number third  best. 

PART  D 

Now  write  on  the  blank  line  below  the  number  of  the  one  thing  that  took 
up  most  of  your  time.    //  you  are  not  sure,  just  guess. 

Number took  up  more  of  my  time  than  anything  else. 


The  following  schools  of  Kansas  City,  Kansas,  were  included  in 
the  first  three  investigations  * :  the  Douglass,  Hawthorne,  Lowell, 
Morse,  and  Riverview  elementary  schools;  the  Central  Junior  High 
School;  the  Northeast  Junior  High  School;  the  Kansas  City,  Kansas, 
High  School;  and  the  Sumner  High  School.  The  selection  of  schools 
in  Kansas  City  was  made  with  a  view  to  obtaining  a  fair  sampling  of 
the  school  population  of  the  entire  city.  The  Douglass  Elementary- 
School,  the  Northeast  Junior  High  School,  and  the  Sumner  High 
School,  all  attended  by  colored  children  only,  were  selected  in  order 
that  a  sampling  of  negro  children  might  be  obtained.  The  Riverview 
and  Morse  elementary  schools  were  selected  because  they  were  at- 
tended by  white  children  with  a  social  and  economic  status  roughly 
comparable  to  that  of  the  negro  children.  At  Lawrence,  Kansas,  in- 
vestigations were  made  in  the  Quincy  and  the  Pinckney  elementary- 
schools,  the  Lawrence  Junior  High  School,  the  Liberty  Memorial 
High  School,  and  the  University  of  Kansas.  The  selection  of  schools 
in  Lawrence  was  made  merely  with  a  view  to  obtaining  a  fair  sampling 
of  the  city's  school  population.  At  Bonner  Springs  and  at  Moran, 
Kansas,  the  list  was  checked  by  all  the  pupils  in  the  public  schools. 

In  order  that  seasonal  differences  might  be  taken  into  account,  the 
list  was  checked  by  the  various  school  groups  on  three  different  dates: 
November  7,  1923;  February  20,  1924;  and  April  30,  1924.  The  same 
printed  list  was  used  on  each  of  the  three  dates. 

In  November,  1924,  a  similar  investigation  was  made  of  the  play 
activities  of  boys  and  girls  in  certain  one-room  rural  schools  of  Kansas. 

*  The  writers  are  especially  indebted  to  Mr.  R.  L.  Wise  of  the  public  schools  of 
Kansas  City,  Kansas,  for  assistance  in  developing  the  sets  of  directions  used  for  the 
administration  of  the  Play  Quiz. 


42 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


The  rural  pupils  checked  the  list  in  the  fall  of  1925  in  order  that  the 
initial  findings  for  country  children  might  be  verified. 

Additional  data  were  secured  from  more  than  6,000  pupils  of 
Kansas  City,  Missouri,  in  January  of  1926.  The  reliability  of  the 
earlier  findings  for  the  city  children  was  thus  verified  further. 

Prior  to  making  the  last  two  investigations  the  Play  Quiz  was 
modified  in  such  a  manner  as  to  permit  the  investigators  to  discover 
the  extent  to  which  a  given  child  participates  with  other  children  in 
his  play  activities.  The  Quiz  was  modified  further  to  permit  the 
addition  of  several  items  not  included  in  the  original  Quiz. 

The  total  number  of  children  studied  is  shown  in  Tables  I  and  II. 
Separate  tabulations  were  made  for  race  groups  and  other  sub-groups 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  permit  both  separate  and  collective  computa- 
tions. 

After  each  investigation  tables  and  graphs  were  made  presenting 
the  percentages  of  children  of  various  ages  in  the  various  sub-groups 
who  participated  in  each  activity.  After  the  first  three  investigations 
averages  were  obtained  and  graphs  made. 


TABLE  I 

Number 

OF  Individu 

\LS  OF  Grade  III  or  Above  Included 

in  Six 

Investigations  or 

Play 

Behavior. 

City 

City 

Children 

Comitry 

Children 

Children 

No\ 

\  7 

Feb 

20 

Apr.  30 

N 

3V. 

Nov. 

Jan. 

19 

23 

19: 

4 

1924 

1924 

1925 

1926 

Ages 

B 

G 

B 

G 

B         G 

B 

G 

B 

G 

Both  Sexes 

854 

98 

100 

90 

97 

80         99 

89 

85 

35 

39 

84 

9^ 

169 

174 

161 

139 

144       144 

102 

85 

45 

49 

468 

ioy2 

182 

215 

169 

199 

160       176 

102 

103 

67 

53 

935 

11^ 

187 

235 

167 

222 

184       220 

106 

109 

65 

64 

981 

uyi 

249 

326 

201 

289 

176       266 

101 

83 

79 

69 

748 

1314 

280 

269 

231 

235 

259       263 

93 

89 

70 

57 

903 

14i< 

274 

301 

252 

282 

238       278 

67 

68 

50 

35 

946 

151^ 

230 

261 

247 

244 

247       256 

46 

27 

22 

21 

848 

16^ 

210 

251 

181 

223 

193       235 

573 

17^ 

145 

182 

130 

208 

146       193 

268 

18^ 

lis 

120 

170 

174 

130       167 

82 

19^ 

95 

101 

119 

115 

102         93 

25 

20^ 

SO 

73 

73 

124 

59         76 

5 

21^ 

53 

41 

57 

85 

43         66 

22* 

70 

44 

105 

114 

68         88 

University    oi 

Kansas   Faculty 

170         35 

Totals  2416     2693     2353     2780     2399     2655  706       649     433     387  6886 

*  Where  age  22  occurs  in  this  tabic  and  in  the  following  tables  data  are  presented  for 
all  persons  studied  whose  chronological  ages  were  22  or  above. 


THE  METHOD  EMPLOYED  43 


TABLE  II 

Number  of  Children  Below  Grade  III  Included  in  Three 
Investigations  of  Play  Behavior. 


Nov. 

1923 

Feb. 

1924 

Apr. 

1924 

Totals 

ges 

Boys 

Girls 

Boys 

Girls 

Boys 

Girls 

Boys        Girls 

5y2 

65 

68 

38 

49 

20 

25 

123             142 

6y2 

81 

124 

72 

106 

79 

90 

232             320 

^'A 

102 

98 

94 

104 

89 

123 

285             325 

8^ 

41 

27 

58 

31 

72 

45 

171             103 

Totals  289  317  262  290  260  283  811  890 


REFERENCES 

1.  Thomdike,  E.  L.     Educational  Psychology.     Vol.  I.     New  York.     Teachers  Col- 
lege.    Columbia  University.     1915.     pp.  xii-442.     (pp.  32-37.) 

2.  (a)   Croswell,  T.  R.     "Amusements  of  the  Worcester  School  Children."    Fed.  Sent. 
1899,  6,  314-71. 

(b)   McGhee,  Zack.     "A  Study  in  the  Play  Life  of  Some  South  Carolina  Children." 
Fed.  Sent.     1900.      7,  459-78. 

3.  Cleveland  Recreational  Survey.    The  Survey  Committee  of  the  Cleveland  Founda- 
tion, Vol.  III.     Wholesome  Citizens  and  Sparetime,  by  John  E.  Gillin.     1918.     181  pp. 


CHAPTER  V 
GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  * 

Undue  emphasis  upon  periodicity  in  play  behavior  has  resulted  in 
the  more  important  characteristic  of  play  behavior,  namely,  its  con- 
tinuity, being  obscured  or  underestimated.  Of  periodicity  and  rhythm 
in  play,  as  in  all  development,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  But  any  thought- 
ful attempt  to  characterize  a  particular  period  must  bring  the  con- 
viction that  the  obvious  characteristic  traits  of  each  period  have  their 
beginnings  in  preceding  stages  and  merge  gradually  into  succeeding 
ones. 

Thorndike  has  stated  that  there  is  continuity  of  mental  variations : 

"Continuity  of  variations  means  two  things, — the  absence  of  regularly 
recurring  gaps,  such  as  those  between  2  petals,  3  petals,  4  petals,  and  the 
like,  and  the  absence  of  irregularly  recurring  gaps,  such  as  those  between 
mice  and  rats,  between  rats  and  squirrels,  and  the  like."  ^ 

"...  the  discrete  steps  are  exceedingly  small  like  the  steps  of  increase 
of  physical  mass  by  atoms.  Intelligence,  rate  of  movement,  memory,  quick- 
ness of  association,  accuracy  of  discrimination,  leadership  of  men  and  so  on 
are  continuous  in  the  sense  that  mass,  amperage,  heat,  human  stature  and 
anemia  are."  ^ 

"A  misleading  appearance  of  irregular  discontinuity  often  arises  from  the 
insufficient  number  of  cases  measured.  If  only  a  few  individuals  are  meas- 
ured in  a  trait  or  if  the  scale  is  a  fine  one,  there  will  of  course  be  divisions 
on  the  scale  or  amounts  of  the  trait  unrepresented  in  any  individuals."  ^ 

When  human  character  traits  are  measured  objectively  continuity 
of  variation  is  found  to  exist  invariably.  Classification  of  individuals 
according  to  types  therefore  usually  is  unwarranted  and  misleading. 
Such  classification,  however,  is  frequently  employed.  Team  play  and 
social  participation  are  mentioned  frequently  as  the  characteristic 
activities  of  certain  periods.  Certaia  ages  too  are  characterized  as 
periods  in  v/hich  individualistic  play  predominates. 

*  A  part  of  this  chapter  appeared  in  The  Journal  of  Applied  Psychology,  April,  1927. 

44 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  45 

The  difficulties  inherent  in  classification  of  child  development  on 
the  basis  of  age  periods  are  revealed  clearly  by  the  diversity  of  opinion 
regarding  the  number  and  the  duration  of  the  periods  of  childhood. 
Few  investigators  agree  either  upon  the  number  or  the  length  of  the 
periods.  Chamberlain  "*  has  presented  data  showing  the  variety  of  age 
intervals  resulting  from  attempts  to  differentiate  certain  periods  in 
growth  according  to  the  degree  of  physical  maturation  therein  found. 
The  following  attempts  are  examples  of  the  conflicting  opinions  cited. 

Lacassagne  ^  recognizes  the  following  periods  of  human  life: 

1.  Foetal  life 

2.  First   childhood Up  to  the  7th  month. 

3.  Second    childhood From  7th  month  to  the  2nd  year. 

4.  Third    childhood From  the  2nd  year  to  the  7th  year. 

5.  Adolescence    From  the  7th  to  the  15th  year. 

6.  Puberty    From  the  15th  to  the  20th  year. 

7.  Adult  age From  the  20th  to  the  30th  year, 

8.  Virility    From  the  30th  to  the  40th  year. 

9.  "Age  de  retour" From  the  40th  to  the  60th  year. 

10.  Old   age From  the  60th  year  till  death. 

Tigerstedt  °  in  his  Human  Physiology  gives  the  common  German 
division  of  life-periods  as  follows: 

1 .  New-born   child From  birth   to   fall  of   navel-string.     Age 

4-5  days. 

2.  Suckling    From   4-5    days   to    7-9   months.      (First 

dentition.) 

3.  Later  childhood From  7-9  months  to  7th  year.     (Second 

dentition.) 

4.  Boyhood    From  the  7th  year  to  the  13th  or  14th  year. 

5.  Youth    From  the  13th  or  14th  year  to  age  19-21. 

6.  Mature  age From  the  19th  or  21st  year  up  to  age  45 

or  50. 

7.  Later  manhood  and  old  age. From  age  45  or  50  on. 

Macdonald  '  concludes  that  the  human  body  has  the  following  six 
periods  of  growth: 

L  From  birth  to  the  6th  or  8th  year. 

2.  From  the  11th  to  the  14th  year. 

3.  From  the   16th  to  the  17th  year. 

4.  From  the  17th  to  the  30th  year. 

5.  From  age  30  to  50. 

6.  From  age  50  on. 


46  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

From  the  above  examples,  the  difficulty  of  hard  and  fast  classifica- 
tion of  growth  periods  is  at  once  apparent.  However,  the  human 
organism  possesses  what  seems  to  be  a  mania  for  cataloguing.  The 
result  has  been  manifold  elaborate  attempts  to  partition  childhood  into 
periods  of  development.  These  attempts  have  not  been  confined  to 
physical  maturation  but  have  included  almost  every  known  human 
characteristic  that  manifests  growth  to  any  degree.  Lesshaft  ^  ex- 
emplifies a  common  tendency  to  develop  "psychic"  periods  of  growth: 

1.  The  new-born  child Chaos  period. 

2.  To  about  the  2nd  year Reflex  rational  period. 

3.  Up  to  school  age Concrete    imitation   period. 

4.  Up  to  about  20  years Abstract  imitation  period. 

5.  Ripe  age  of  man Critico-creative  period. 

Valentine,^  from  the  point  of  view  of  developmental  psychology, 
divides  the  life  of  the  child  as  follows: 

1.  First  few  months  of  life.     Instinctive  period. 

2.  Up  to  the  6th  or  7th  year.    Imitative  period. 

3.  From  about  age  7  till  puberty.    Attentive  period. 

Guibert "  recognizes  four  periods  in  childhood  and  youth  as  char- 
acterized by  successive  developments  of  aptitudes  and  mental  func- 
tions : 

1.  New-born  infant.     Period  of  subjective  and  instinctive  life. 

2.  Beginning  before  6th  month  of  life.    Period  of  objective  life. 

3.  Period  of  social  life. 

4.  Period  of  professional  and  scientific  life. 

Sheldon  "  finds  that  the  years  of  childhood  from  four  to  fourteen 
contain  two  distinctly  marked  periods: 

1.  Ages  4  to  10.     Period  of  imitation. 

2.  Ages  10  to  14.    Period  of  invention. 

Certain  writers  have  not  been  content  with  a  differentiation  of 
periods  on  the  basis  of  certain  fundamental  universal  human  traits 
but  have  selected  special  interests  and  concocted  epochs  to  correspond 
with  changing  manifestations  of  these  interests.  Miss  Mary  A. 
Barnes  ^^  finds  the  "historical  sense"  appearing  as  early  as  seven.  This 
sense  undergoes  the  following  development: 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  47 

1.  From  7  or  8  to  about  12  or  13.  Period  of  striking  biographies  and 
events. 

2.  From  14  or  15  up  to  about  entrance  to  college  or  after.  Period  of 
interest  in  "the  statesman,  thinkers,  poets,  as  successors  to  the  explorers 
and  fighters  of  the  earlier  period." 

3.  College  years.    The  age  of  monographic  special  study. 

Again,  Professor  Earl  Barnes  and  Miss  Estelle  M.  Darrah  ^^  find 
the  following  periods  of  "law  recognition." 

1.  From  age  6  or  7  to  age  10  or  12.     Period  of  law-ignoring. 

2.  From  age  10  or   12  to  about  age   16.     Period  of  law-recognition. 
(Personal  authority  is  replaced  by  obedience  to  rule  and  law.) 

There  has  long  existed  a  tendency  for  educational  and  sociological 
theorists  to  delimit  the  social  development  of  the  child  and  to  ascribe 
to  him  periods  in  the  development  of  social  sense.  The  periods  are 
defined  often  with  little  precision;  the  results  of  the  various  attempts 
are  to  no  small  degree  controversial.  The  following  is  a  popular  ex- 
ample of  this  practice:  ^* 

1 .  Presocial  stage This  lasts  most  of  the  first  year. 

2.  Imitative  and  socializing  stage Culminates  at  about    3  years. 

3.  Individualizing  stage Culminates  at  about    6  years. 

4.  Competitive  socializing  stage Culminates  at  about  12  years. 

5.  Pubertal  or  transitional  stage Culminates  at  about  18  years. 

6.  Later    adolescence Culminates  at  about  24  years. 

The  variation  in  periods  which  results  when  classification  of  growth 
stages  is  attempted  may  be  occasioned  by  the  very  complexity  of  such 
vague  traits  as  sociability,  etc.  The  attempts  to  classify  growth  stages 
of  play  behavior  on  the  basis  of  chronological  age  show  that  the  dis- 
agreement in  reference  to  age  periods  is  not  lessened  when  classification 
is  made  upon  a  single  basis,  namely,  that  of  the  play  periods  of  child- 
hood. There  is  no  general  agreement  regarding  either  the  number  or 
the  duration  of  the  growth  periods  in  connection  with  play  manifesta- 
tions. The  following  examples  exemplify  the  existing  confusion  in  this 
regard : 

CLASSIFICATIONS  OF  GROWTH  STAGES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR 
Dr.  Joseph  K.  Hart's  classification:  ^^ 

1.  The  segregative  level Children  to  age  6,  7,  or  8. 

2.  The  group  level Children  to  age  12,  13,  14,  or  15. 

3.  The  team  level Upward  to  maturity. 


48  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Joseph  Lee's  classification :  ^® 

1 .  First  three  years .  .  Creative  impulse  begins  to  manifest  itself. 

2.  Ages  3  to  6 Age  of  impersonation. 

3.  Ages  6  to  11 "Big  Injun"  or  age  of  self-assertion. 

4.  Ages   11    to   14. .  .Age  of  loyalty. 

5.  Ages   14  to  21 ..  .Apprentice  age. 

George  E.  Johnson's  classification:  ^'' 

1.  Ages  0  to  3. 

2.  Ages  4  to  6. 

3.  Ages  7  to  9. 

4.  Ages  10  to  12. 

5.  Ages  13  to  15. 

Henry  S.  Curtis'  classification:  ^® 

1 .  Ages  0  to  6 Imitative  stage. 

2.  Ages  6  to  puberty "Big  Injun"  stage. 

3.  Puberty  on .... Team  games. 

Luther  Gulick's  classification:  ^® 

1 .  Ages  0  to  3 Babyhood. 

2.  Ages  3  to  7 Early  childhood. 

3.  Ages  7  to   12 Childhood. 

4.  Ages  12  to  17 Early  adolescence. 

5.  Ages  17  to  23 Later  adolescence. 

Bowen  and  Mitchell's  classification:  "° 

1.  Ages  0  to  6 Babyhood  or  early  childhood. 

2.  Ages  6  to  12 Later  childhood. 

3.  Ages  12  to  15 Early  adolescence. 

4.  Ages  15  to  18 Later  adolescence. 

5.  Ages  18  to  40 Maturity. 

Croswell's  classification:  ^^ 

1.  Ages  6  to  9 .Objects  used  symbolically. 

2.  Ages  9  to  13 Vigorous  exercise  of  the  whole  body, 

3.  Ages  14  and  above The  creative  spirit  prevails. 

Kirkpatrick's  classification:  ^^ 

1.  First  5  years Period  of  play. 

2.  Ages  5  to  10 Participation  in  team  games. 

3.  Ages   12  and  above Participation  in  games  and  sports. 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  49 

It  is  obvious  that  few  of  the  investigators  agree  upon  the  number 
or  the  length  of  the  periods  associated  with  the  child's  play  life.  One 
asks  why  such  diversity  of  opinion  exists.  The  writers  feel  that  the 
complexity  of  play  is  one  cause  of  this  condition.  Play  is  a  behavior 
manifestation  of  so  many  variables  that  different  aspects  are  con- 
spicuous at  different  times  and  are  observed  by  different  writers  as 
characteristic  of  the  total  phenomenon. 

Most  of  the  preceding  classifications  in  reference  to  play  were 
made  prior  to  the  introduction  of  quantitative  measurement.  Since  the 
introduction  of  objective  mental  tests,  not  one  test  has  been  found 
which  yields  a  very  startling  difference  for  groups  in  successive  age 
levels.  The  tests  all  show  continuity  rather  than  periodicity  in  mental 
development.  It  is  probable  that  these  tests,  which  show  no  sudden 
evolution  in  the  child's  ability  to  think,  furnish  good  illustrations  of 
the  child's  intellectual  growth.  It  seems  obvious  that  most  subjective 
descriptions  of  periods  of  development  have  been  exaggerated  some- 
what; one  reason  being  the  fact  that  large  differences  within  a  given 
age  group  are  always  to  be  found.  It  is  probable  that  periodicity  exists 
only  in  the  sense  that  one  period  of  three  or  four  years'  duration  differs 
from  another  period  of  similar  length  in  conspicuous  degree.  The 
change  from  one  period  to  another  is  always  gradual,  however,  and 
never  abrupt. 

Continuity  of  growth  is  revealed  by  Tables  III,  and  IV,  which 
present  for  boys  and  girls  respectively  various  play  activities  which 
are  participated  in  by  not  less  than  25  per  cent  of  individuals  of  ages 
8>4  to  22y2  inclusive.  It  is,  of  course,  true  that  some  of  these  activities 
are  engaged  in  by  much  more  than  25  per  cent  of  individuals.  These 
two  tables  show  conclusively  that  there  is  a  community  of  interest  for 
persons  of  widely  different  ages. 

TABLE  III 

Play  Activities  Engaged  in  by  More  Than  25%  of  Boys  of  Ages 

85^  to  22  Inclusive 
*  Baseball  with  a  hard  ball. 
Just  playing  catch. 
Riding  in  an  auto. 
Watching  athletic  sports. 
Going  to  the  movies. 
*  November  only. 


50  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


Chewing  gum. 

Card   games,   such   as   authors,   bridge,   whist. 

Listening  to  the  victrola. 

Listening  to  the  radio. 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper. 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings. 
Reading  the  newspapers. 
Reading  short  stories. 
Reading  books. 
Writing  letters 

Whisthng. 
Teasing  somebody. 


TABLE  IV 

Play  Activities  Participated  in  by  25%  or  More  of  Girls  of  All  Ages 
FROM  83^  TO  22^,  Inclusive 

Listening  to  the  victrola. 
Playing  the  piano  for  fun. 
Riding  in  an  auto. 
Writing  letters. 
Reading  short  stories. 

Reading  the  newspapers. 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings. 

Going  to  the  movies. 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper. 

Going  to  parties  or  picnics. 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company. 
Chewing  gum. 
Teasing  somebody. 
Listening  to  stories. 
Gathering  flowers. 

Just  singing. 
Looking  at  pictures. 

Table  V  presents  for  the  boys  studied  the  ranks  of  the  play  activi- 
ties according  to  the  frequency  of  participation  therein  at  various  age 
levels.  Table  VI  shows  similar  data  for  the  girls.  A  form  of  play  is 
here  included  when  it  was  found  to  be  common  to  at  least  20  per  cent 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH 


51 


of  the  persons  of  a  given  age.  Table  V  is  to  be  read  as  follows:  "Look- 
ing at  the  Sunday  'funny'  paper,"  is  the  one  activity  of  the  entire  list 
of  200  that  was  engaged  in  most  commonly  by  the  boys  from  eight  to 
fifteen  years  of  age.  "Reading  books"  was  second  in  frequency  for 
the  boys  eight  and  ten  years  of  age,  third  in  frequency  for  the  boys 
nine  and  eleven  years  of  age,  fifth  for  those  of  ages  fourteen  and  fifteen, 
and  seventh  for  age  thirteen.  A  blank  space  in  the  table  indicates 
that  the  particular  activity  was  participated  in  by  less  than  20  per  cent 
of  the  pupils  of  the  given  age. 


TABLE  V-a 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly 
Engaged  in  by  the  Boys  Eight  to  Fieteen  Years  of  Age. 

Activity 

8 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 1 

Reading    books    2 

Just  playing  catch  *    3 

Reading   the   newspapers    10 

Chewing   gum    7 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon . .  4 

Whistling     5 

Reading  short  stories   6 

Just  running  and  romping   8 

Running   races  *    9 

Cutting  paper  things  with  scissors 12 

Gathering   flowers  *    11 

Listening  to  stories  13 

Football  **    IS 

Riding  in  an  automobile  16 

Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun. ...  14 

Going   to   the   "movies"    26 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball  *   18 

Watching   athletic   sports    37 

Listening  to   the   victrola    17 

Ball  with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball  *   .  . .  36 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings   26 

Listening   to   the  radio    25 

Basket  ball  ***    

Jumping   for  distance    18 

Riding  a  bicycle    43 

Playing  with  pet  dogs  19 

Jumping   for  height  *    23 

Wresthng     30 

Teasing   somebody    27 

Throwing  rocks  or  stones   ' 22 

Doing  gymnasium  work   

*  April  data.  **  November  data.  ***  November  and  February  data. 


Age 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

3 

2 

3 

4 

7 

S 

5 

2 

2 

2 

3 

3 

3 

3 

8 

3 

3 

2 

2 

2 

2 

7 

3 

5 

5 

4 

5 

7 

5 

10 

13 

19 

19 

17 

27 

6 

4 

8 

13 

14 

11 

14 

7 

5 

7 

.  7 

8 

8 

8 

4 

6 

20 

19 

21 

10 

7 

11 

15 

18 

24 

2i 

15 

22 

32 

31 

13 

12 

18 

22 

23 

26 

12 

14 

22 

21 

19 

19 

23 

8 

6 

4 

8 

6 

8 

7 

11 

5 

7 

6 

5 

5 

4 

9 

8 

15 

10 

13 

12 

21 

17 

8 

6 

5 

6 

4 

4 

14 

8 

7 

6 

6 

6 

6 

25 

24 

23 

11 

7 

7 

6 

12 

9 

12 

17 

16 

13 

14 

23 

20 

21 

17 

12 

12 

13 

18 

13 

10 

10 

9 

9 

9 

23 

16 

21 

12 

4 

9 

10 

38 

29 

27 

15 

10 

8 

11 

15 

11 

14 

13 

16 

15 

18 

32 

22 

17 

9 

12 

9 

13 

15 

10 

9 

14 

10 

12 

15 

20 

12 

16 

13 

15 

16 

18 

18 

12 

13 

9 

11 

10 

12 

19 

18 

25 

18 

17 

13 

17 

16 

13 

19 

16 

15 

14 

19 

27 

21 

14 

20 

52 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


TABLE  V-b 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly 
Engaged  in  by  the  Young  Men  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  or  Older. 

Activity 


16  17  18 

Reading  the  newspapers    1  1  1 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 2  2  2 

Riding  in  an  automobile    3  3  3 

Going    to    the    "movies"    4  4  4 

Watching   athletic    sports    5  5  S 

Just  playing  catch  *    5  6  6 

Chewing    gum    6  8  8 

Reading  books   8  9  13 

Basebail  with  a  hard  ball  *    7  10  12 

Reading  short  stories- 9  9  10 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings  9  6  7 

Driving    an    automobile     10  7  11 

Listening   to   the   radio    11  11  IS 

Football**     9  10  19 

Basket    ball***     12  IS  19 

Listening   to   the  victrola    13  13  9 

Whistling     14  10  16 

Riding  a  bicycle    14  25  . . 

Teasing   somebody    IS  12  17 

Writing  letters   17  17  10 

Card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge,  and  whist  18  21  IS 

Having  "dates"    16  14  14 

Doing    gymnasium    work    18  22  IS 

Just   "loafing"   or   lounging    22  27  22 

Listening   to   stories    21  21  21 

Ball  with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball  * 14  IS  16 

Smoking     23 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company   27  26 

Going  to   entertainments,   concerts,   etc 20  20  24 

Attending    lectures 2S 

Excusions  to  woods,  parks,  country,  etc.  * 

Just  "hiking"  or  strolling   24  28  25 

*  April  data.                   **  November  data.  ***  No 


Age 

University 

22  or 

of  Kans::s 

19 

20 

21  Older 

Faculty 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

4 

3 

9 

4 

4 

6 

7 

7 

3 

2 

3 

4 

11 

7 

S 

8 

5 

11 

8 

6 

9 

8 

26 

10 

7 

14 

16 

22 

13 

12 

13 

8 

2 

16 

18 

26 

21 

11 

10 

IS 

12 

13 

6 

8 

7 

6 

9 

13 

13 

21 

22 

9 

18 

20 

23 

21 

21 

22 

28 

30 

27 

9 

9 

5 

9 

11 

18 

16 

27 

25 

24 

20 

14 

21 

21 

19 

5 

3 

2 

2 

4 

15 

14 

16 

14 

12 

12 

11 

10 

11 

21 

14 

14 

22 

21 

IS 

13 

12 

12 

IS 

17 

15 

21 

16 

19 

17 

17 

22 

19 

20 

15 

11 

10 

6 

20 

22 

27 

17 

5 

25 

24 

20 

18 

3 

24 

IS 

22 

13 

8 

29 

26 

22 

24 

8 

18 

21 

10 

15 

17 

ember  and  February  data 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH 


53 


TABLE  Via 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly 
Engaged  in  by  the  Girls  Eight  to  Fifteen  Years  of  Age. 

Activity 

8 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny'  paper 1 

Reading   books    2 

Jumping  or  skipping  rope  *   3 

Reading  short  stories   6 

Reading  the  newspapers    13 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon..  4 

Just  singing    7 

Chewing   gum    12 

Playing  the  piano  for  fun    10 

Riding  in  an  automobile    13 

Cutting  paper  things  with  scissors 5 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 9 

Listening   to   stories    9 

Gathering   flowers  * 10 

Playing   house    9 

Listening  to  the  victrola   11 

Looking  at  pictures    8 

Going   to   the   "movies"    20 

Just  running  and  romping   14 

Playing  school   14 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company    22 

Swinging    1.'5 

Hide   and  seek    IS 

Running  races    16 

Telling  or  guessing  riddles   17 

Writing    letters    IS 

Teasing   somebody    2S 

Jacks*     18 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings 21 

*  April  data. 


Age 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

IS 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

3 

3 

3 

3 

2 

6 

4 

10 

13 

17 

30 

3 

3 

4 

5 

5 

6 

3 

8 

3 

2 

2 

2 

2 

1 

4 

7 

7 

11 

15 

20 

20 

5 

S 

6 

7 

10 

10 

12 

S 

6 

5 

6 

4 

4 

S 

11 

10 

8 

7 

7 

9 

6 

11 

9 

10 

8 

8 

s 

3 

6 

8 

12 

14 

25 

29 

9 

13 

IS 

29 

IS 

16 

14 

18 

21 

22 

21 

10 

S 

9 

4 

9 

13 

10 

16 

2S 

28 

7 

9 

10 

10 

11 

12 

8 

12 

12 

11 

11 

13 

15 

14 

23 

18 

12 

9 

6 

8 

5 

IS 

14 

13 

20 

29 

IS 

14 

20 

26 

25 

27 

17 

IS 

IS 

14 

9 

19 

23 

23 

27 

20 

20 

22 

25 

17 

17 

16 

22 

26 

18 

21 

16 

19 

20 

23 

25 

13 

IS 

13 

12 

12 

11 

7 

23 

19 

17 

14 

14 

13 

13 

14 

19 

17 

28 

32 

16 

11 

9 

8 

6 

7 

4 

54 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


TABLE  Vl-b 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly 
Engaged  in  by  the  Young  Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  or  Older. 

Activity  Age 

Univer- 
sity of 

22  or  Kansas 

16  17  18  19  20  21  Older  Faculty 

Reading  the  newspapers   1  1  1  2  2  2  1  1 

Riding  in  an  automobile    3  2  2  3  4  5  5  6 

Reading   short   stories    4  S  7  10  10  6  6  4 

Writing  letters   7  5  3  1  1  1  2  S 

Going  to  the  "movies" 5  4  5  S  6  7  S  10 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper  2  2  4  7  9  IS  16  10 

Reading    books    5  8  13  15  21  14  13  5 

Playing  the  piano  for  fun    6  7  11  7  9  IS  10  12 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company   7  6  6  4  3  S  3  2 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  savings   6  3  8  9  11  12  9  10 

Listening  to  the  Victrola    9  9  9  6  8  8  8  11 

Just   singing    10  13  17  15  12  11  12  12 

Chewing   gum    8  10  12  18  21  20  20 

Having    "dates"    13  11  7  4  3  4  11 

Social  dancing    16  16  10  8  S  3  7 

Watching  athletic  sports   11  12  12  13  16  14  IS  18 

Gathering   flowers* 14  17  13  12  IS  8  10  7 

Going  to  parties  or  picnics  15  13  14  13  14  13  16  14 

Teasing   somebody    11  13  IS  14  17  17  14 

Attending    lectures    19  19  18  13  8 

Going  to  entertainments,  concerts,  etc IS  IS  14  11  7  12  4  3 

Just  "hiking"  or  strolling   20  21  14  10  11  9  6  7 

Social  clubs  or  being  with  the  gang 19  24  19  13  18  13  9 

Card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge,  and  whist     21  23  19  16  16  10  17  12 
*  April  data. 

From  tables  V  and  VI,  it  is  at  once  obvious  that  there  is  consider- 
able permanence  of  play  interest  from  age  to  age.  These  tables  give 
striking  evidence  of  the  difficulty  attendant  upon  classification  of  play 
activities  in  certain  age  groups.  The  gradual  transition  in  play  be- 
havior from  year  to  year  is  again  revealed  in  the  favorite  activities  of 
children  of  various  ages.  (See  Tables  VII  and  VIII.)  There  is  con- 
siderable permanence  in  favorite  activities  and  the  best  liked  activities 
tend  to  be  those  most  frequently  participated  in.  The  play  trends 
which  characterize  a  given  age  group  seem  to  be  the  result  of  gradual 
changes  occurring  during  the  growth  period.  These  changes  are  not 
sudden  and  sporadic,  but  are  gradual  and  contingent.  Nor  can  any 
age  or  group  of  ages  between  8>^  and  22>4  inclusive  be  designated 
social  or  individualistic  on  the  basis  of  the  play  behavior  therein 
revealed. 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH 


55 


TABLE  Vll-a 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best  by  the 
Boys  Eight  to  Fifteen  Years  of  Age. 


Activity 

8 

Football*    1 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball  **   2 

Basket  ball  ***    4 

Boxing    3 

Marbles    4 

Just  playing  catch  **   S 

Playing   cowboy 5 

Wrestling     6 

Roller  skating 5 

Horseback   riding    6 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 5 

Riding  a  bicycle    6 

Riding  in  an  automobile 7 

Going  to  the  "movies"   8 

Reading  books  8 

Ball  with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball  **  . . 

Running  races  **    8 

Coasting  on  a  wagon  8 

Driving  an  automobile 

Tennis  **    

Watching  athletic  sports 

Hunting  *    

Jumping  for  height  ** 

Pole  vaulting  **    10 

Having  "dates"    

Listening  to  the  radio   

*  November  data.  **  April  data. 


Age 


9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

IS 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

4 

3 

1 

2 

1 

1 

4 

3 

6 

7 

9 

8 

8 

S 

6 

9 

10 

,  . 

S 

3 

4 

S 

7 

9 

9 

7 

S 

10 

8 

4 

8 

8 

10 

4 

5 

3 

6 

5 

10 

9 

10 

8 

10 

10 

11 

6 

9 

9 

10 

7 

4 

4 

4 

4 

6 

9 

8 

9 

10 

8 

7 

7 

12 

7 

,7 

5 

6 

S 

5 

7 

8 

9 

11 

10 

8 

8 

8 

4 

8 

8 

6 

7 

10 

9 

8 

8 

8 

10 

11 

6 

4 

4 

11 

9 

7 

5 

10 

8 

10 

6 

11 

9 

6 

6 

10 

11 

7 

9 

11 

10 

9 

10 

11 

7 

11 

7 
10 

8 
10 
10 

11 
11 

10 

***  November  and  February  data. 


56 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


TABLE  Vll-b 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best  by  the 
Young  Men  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  or  Older  =^ 

Activity  Age 

Univer- 
sity of 
22  or    Kansas 
16     17     18     19     20     21  Older  Faculty 

Basket  ball**    1       1       1  1  3       2     10 

Football***    2       2       2  2  2       9     11 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball  3       4       8  3  9       9       7 

Driving  an  automobile    4       3       3  8  6       S       8          4 

Going   to   the   "movies"    6       6       8  6  4       6       6 

Tennis  ****     5       8       6  7  7       3       7         10 

Having  "dates"    6       S       5  5  1       1       2         11 

Hunting***    7     11       7  10  12 

Watching  athletic  sports   8       7       4  S  1       4       1         10 

Reading    books    9     12       9  8  9       7       4           1 

Social  dancing    H     14     11  10  10       8       5 

Listening  to  the  radio   10     10       S  6  3       2       S 

Riding  in  an  automobile    12     13       9  11  10       9     11         10 

Reading  short  stories   9       9       9  9  9       9       9           9 

Reading  the  newspapers    10  8  6       5       3           3 

Smoking     10  9  11       8       8           7 

Card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge,  and  whist     ....     12  10  11       9       7           8 

Going  to  entertainments,  concerts,  etc 2 

*  The  following  activities  were  popular,  but  it  is  difficult  to  rank  them  on  the  basis 
of  their  popularity:   ball  with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball,  just  playing  catch,  golf, 

gathering  flowers  (April  data),  attending  lectures,  visiting  or  entertaining  company, 
social  clubs  or  being  with  the  gang,  listening  to  the  victrola,  playing  for  fun  musical 
instruments  other  than  the  piano,  and  swimming. 

**  November  and  February  data. 

♦**  November  data. 

*♦♦*  April  data. 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH 


TABLE  Vlll-a 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best  by  the 
Girls  Eight  to  Fifteen  Years  of  Age  * 


Activity 


Roller  skating    

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc.   . . . 

Riding  in  an  automobile    

Reading    books    

Going  to  the  "movies" 

Playing  the  piano  for  fun   

Playing    school    

Jacks  **     

Basket  ball***    

Playing   house 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper... 

Listening  to  the  Victrola    

Going  to  parties  or  picnics   

Watching   athletic   sports    

Doing   gymnasium   work    

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun 

Having    "dates"     

Reading   short   stories    

Social    dancing     

Dressing  up  in  older  folks'  clothing    . . . . 


10 

4 
3 
4 
4 
2 
1 
S 
5 


Age 
11 
5 
7 
6 
2 
1 
3 

10 


13 

6 

4 
1 
2 
3 


14       IS 


9 
10 
5 
6 
7 
8 
6 
9 
3 


11 

12 
7 


*  The  following  activities  were  popular,  but  it  is  difficult  to  rank  them  on  the  basis 
of  their  popularity:  riding  a  bicycle;  social  clubs  or  being  with  the  gang;  driving  an 
automobile;  going  to  entertainments,  concerts,  etc.;  and  just  "hiking"  or  strolling.      ^ 

**  April  data.  ***  November  and  February  data. 

TABLE  Vlll-b 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best  by  the 

Young  Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  or  Older.* 

Activity  Age 


16 
3 


17 

2 
1 
3 
6 
4 
S 
7 
9 


18 
1 

4 
3 
6 
2 
S 
6 


19 
1 


10 
10 
11 
12 


Social   dancing    

Reading    books     1 

Going  to   the  "movies"    2 

Playing  the  piano  for  fun   4 

Having    "dates"    5 

Riding  in  an  automobile   6 

Watching  athletic  sports    7 

Going  to  parties  or  picnics    . , 8 

Driving  an  automobile   9         8         7 

Reading  short  stories    10         7         9 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company    11         8       10 

Going  to  entertainments,  concerts,  etc 12       10        8 

Card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge,  and  whist       ..       12       11 

Just  "hiking"  or  strolling    13       11         9 

Social  clubs  or  being  with  the  gang   13       12         9 

Writing  letters    13       10 

Gathering    flowers  **    12 

Reading    the    newspaper    12 

Just    singing    11       n 

*  The  following  activities  were  popular,  but  it  is  difficult  to  rank  them 
of  their  popularity:  hstening  to  the  victrola;  doing  gymnasium  work; 
tennis;  and  sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun. 


21 

1 

2 

10 

8 

3 

6 

S 

9 

8 

6 

7 

4 

5 

7 

8 

10 

12 

11 

12 

on  the 

basket 

**  April  data. 


22  or 
Older 

1 

3 

8 

d 

6 

S 
12 

9 
11 

8 

3 

1 

9 

3 

8 

7 

7 

9 
11 

basis 
ball; 


58 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


Boys'  Q3 


(Girls 


Boys' 


Cirlsji^ , 


Ages-*^*       5i     ^°i     11^     12^     13|     Ui-     1-5^     161-     17V     181-     19^     ZOi     21J-     28f 

Legend 
Boys      

Figure  1 

The  number  of  different  play  activities  engaged  in  by  boys  and  girls  of  various  ages. 
Average  of  findings  from  three  separate  investigations.  Dispersion  of  the  two  middle 
quartiles  also  shown.     See  Table  IX,  p.  59. 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  59 

NUMBER  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES  PARTICIPATED  IN 
BY  INDIVIDUALS  OF  VARIOUS  AGE  LEVELS 

Figure  1  and  Table  IX  show  the  median,  the  lower,  and  the  upper 
quartiles  of  the  number  of  activities  engaged  in  by  the  children  of 
various  ages.  It  will  be  noted  that  the  younger  subjects  studied  not 
only  engaged  in  a  larger  number  of  activities  but  also  manifested  greater 
variability  than  the  older  ones.  The  middle  fifty  per  cent  range  is 
larger  for  ages  8^  to  14^  than  for  any  of  the  later  periods.  This 
condition  holds  for  both  sexes  and  for  each  of  the  three  seasons.  The 
median  number  of  activities  participated  in  by  boys  of  age  eight  is 
forty.  By  age  sixteen  this  number  has  diminished  to  twenty  with 
slight  decrease  subsequently.  Data  obtained  from  the  members  of 
the  faculty  of  the  University  of  Kansas  suggest  a  continued,  though 
gradual,  narrowing  of  play  interest  with  increase  of  age.  This  finding 
may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  adults  tend  to  become  more  conventional 
in  their  use  of  their  leisure,  whereas  children  find  greater  opportunity 
for  versatility  of  interest.  This  finding,  however,  may  be  due  to  the 
limitations  of  the  Quiz,  the  list  having  been  made  for  children. 

Figure  1  shows  that  the  transition  from  age  to  age  in  reference  to 
the  number  of  different  activities  participated  in  is  very  gradual.  It 
brings  out  clearly  the  fact  that  there  are  no  age  levels  at  which  the 

TABLE  IX 

The  Number  of  Different  Play  Activities  Indulged  in  by  Persons  of  Different 

Ages.    Data  for  All  Three  Seasons  Taken  Collectively.    Dispersion 

OF  the  Two  Middle  Quartiles. 


No.  of 

No.of 

Ages 

boys             Ql 

Md 

Q3 

girls 

Ql 

Md 

Q3 

8 

286            26.50 

40.11 

53.81 

323 

21.55 

34.44 

48.75 

9 

466            24.71 

38.45 

55.36 

459 

23.72 

34.75 

52.06 

10 

500            24.73 

36.57 

54.00 

593 

23.72 

34.89 

48.63 

11 

530            22.77 

32.29 

46.50 

684 

21.61 

30.65 

44.25 

12 

618            21.69 

31.40 

42.82 

873 

20.51 

28.32 

40.59 

13 

766             18.07 

26.48 

38.39 

752 

18.93 

26.30 

36.46 

14 

759            17.04 

25.13 

35.26 

849 

17.46 

23.85 

32.81 

IS 

723             14.76 

21.59 

29.80 

746 

16.17 

22.04 

29.40 

16 

588             14.72 

20.40 

28.30 

699 

13.99 

19.77 

25.39 

17 

438             14.43 

20.79 

27.27 

598 

13.27 

18.33 

24.88 

18 

413             14.19 

19.39 

26.15 

463 

14.81 

19.90 

24.62 

19 

313             14.25 

19.04 

26.48 

308 

13.87 

18.61 

24.00 

20 

178            13.31 

18.40 

24.36 

285 

14.27 

18.59 

24.15 

21 

155             15.34 

20.29 

25.75 

196 

16.00 

19.57 

24.50 

22 

267            13.16 

17.71 

22.67 

240 

12.77 

16.53 

22.09 

and  up. 

Note 

;:     Figures  1  to  6  inclusive, 

and  Tables  IX  to  XI  inclusive,  appeared  in  The  Peda- 

gogical  Seminary,  June,  1926. 

60 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


diversity  of  play  interest  suddenly  decreases  or  increases  by  spurts. 
Figure  2  gives  the  percentages  of  girls  and  the  percentages  of  boys 
of  various  ages  who  indicated  that  they  had  been  jumping  or  skipping 
rope  during  the  course  of  a  single  week.  The  arrows  in  this  figure 
indicate  the  age  level  at  which  exactly  25  per  cent  of  the  girls  engaged 
in  the  diversion. 


100 

80 

• 

60 

' 

40 

20 

rrrrrr-ir^'i     1 — ^^^--n-- 

— >l — 

■s=^— 

Ages— 8^       9i     10|-     111-     12^     13-|-     14i     15i     16i     17h     18V     19|-     20^     21|-     22+ 


Per  Cents 
Bovs    ..     15     19     14    13      9      6      4      2      1      1      1      1      3       1 
Girls   ...     52     47     45     35     28     19     11       4      3       2       2       0      0       2 


Legend 


Boys 
Girls 


Figure  2 
Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  who  indicated  that  they  had  jumped  or  skipped  rope  dur- 
ing the  course  of  a  week.    Average  of  findings  from  three  separate  investigations. 

Figure  2  reveals  a  situation  which  is  typical  of  that  found  for  most 
of  the  200  play  activities.  Periodicity  in  play  certainly  is  not  por- 
trayed by  such  graphs.  The  following  statements  offer  distinct  con- 
trast to  the  present  findings  in  this  regard. 

"Because  of  its   connection  with   the  recapitulation   theory,   it   is  sig- 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH 


61 


nificant  to  note  that  the  interest  in  the  universal  game  of  hide-and-seek  cul- 
minates at  ten,  then  suddenly  drops."  ^^ 

"It  is  even  said  that  the  prevalent  gum-chewing  habit  culminates  at  this 
time  (adolescence)  and  affords  work  for  the  developing  muscles."^* 

"The  interest  in  music  which  suddenly  develops  at  this  time  (age  15) 
occasionally  amounts  to  a  passion.  .  .  ."  ^^ 


A5e3-»8^       9^     lOl-     U^     121-     13^     14|-     15|-.     15^     17^     ISj-     19^-     20|-     21|-     22^ 

Figure  3 
Ages  at  which  more  than  25%  of  girls  were  found  to  engage  in  various  activities.    Aver- 
age of  findings  from  three  separate  investigations.     See  Table  X,  p.  62. 


62 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


TABLE  X 

(Key  to  Figure  3) 


71  Writing  poems. 

84  Playing  teeter-totter, 
102  Hide  the  thimble. 
106  Drop  the  handkerchief. 
101  Hide  the  button. 


193  Other  toys. 
178  Stringing  beads. 
163  London  Bridge. 
92  Hop-scotch. 
114  Jacks. 


95  Follow  your  leader. 
170  Pussy  wants  a  corner. 
159  "Here  I  come"  "Where  from?" 
140  Playing  house. 

87  Hop,  skip,  and  jump. 


154  Playing  movie  actor  or  actress. 
192  Playing  with  dolls,  doll  carriages, 

doll  clothes,  etc. 
105  Other  tag  games. 

18  Roller  skating. 

24  Swinging. 


93  Jumping  or  skipping  rope. 
138  Dressing  up  in  older  folks'  cloth- 
ing. 
143  Playing  school. 

99  Hide  and  seek. 

85  Just  running  and  romping. 


40  Gathering  flowers. 

86  Running  races. 

175  Cutting  paper  things  with  scis- 
sors. 
107  Whistling. 

67  Telling  or  guessing  riddles. 

5  Just  playing  catch. 

68  Telling  stories. 

173  Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk, 

or  crayon. 
198  Playing  with  pet  kittens. 

69  Listening  to  stories. 

197  Playing  with  pet  dogs. 
59  Listening  to  the  radio. 
179  Sewing,  knitting,  etc.,  for  fun. 

174  Painting  with  water-colors. 
35  Watching  athletic  sports. 

44  Going  to  entertainments,  con- 
certs, and  so  on. 
79  Doing  gymnasium  work. 
156  Jiist  imagining  things. 
42  Just  hiking  or  strolling. 
2  Basket  ball. 


55  Card  games,  such  as  authors, 
bridge,  whist. 

53  Social  dancing. 

54  Folk-dancing. 
51  Having  dates. 

57  Social  clubs,  or  being  with  the 
gang. 


28  Driving  an  auto. 

52  Just  loafing  or  lounging. 

47  Attending  lectures. 


The  above  activities  are  listed  in  the  order  in  vi^hich  they  drop  below 
the  25%  level  in  frequency  of  participation.    Data  for  girls  only. 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  63 

TRANSITORINESS  AS  SHOWN  BY  THE  AGE  LEVELS  AT  WHICH 

MORE  THAN  25%  OF  GIRLS  OF  VARIOUS  AGE  LEVELS  WERE 

FOUND  TO  ENGAGE  IN  THE  VARIOUS  ACTIVITIES 

Figure  3  shows  the  ages  at  which  more  than  25  per  cent  of  the  chil- 
dren participated  in  a  given  activity.  Culmination  of  the  line  indicates 
that  fewer  than  25  per  cent  of  the  children  participated  in  the  activity 
portrayed.  The  key  numbers  are  given  in  the  vertical  column  on  the 
left.  The  age  levels  are  indicated  on  the  horizontal  line  at  the  bottom 
of  the  page.  The  activity  represented  by  the  number  may  be  identified 
by  reference  to  Table  X. 

The  reader  must  not  assume  that  when  a  given  play  activity  drops 
below  the  25  per  cent  level  it  disappears  suddenly.  The  waning  is  in 
most  instances  very  gradual. 

Figure  3  shows  that  marked  participation  in  the  various  play  activi- 
ties becomes  less  frequent  as  chronological  age  advances.  The  gradual 
decrease  in  participation  must  be  apparent  at  once  to  the  reader. 

Similar  data  are  presented  for  the  boys  in  Figure  4  and  in  Table  XI. 
The  results  corroborate  the  findings  for  the  girls,  showing  that  play 
activities  wax  and  wane  gradually. 

In  Figure  5,  the  solid  line  was  made  by  connecting  the  right-hand 
extremities  of  the  horizontal  lines  of  Figure  3.  The  other  lines  of  Figure 
5  were  made  from  similar  seasonal  charts  for  the  girls.  It  will  be 
noted  that  in  Figure  5  the  seasonal  lines  show  that  there  is  no  single 
age  level  at  which  a  sudden  decrease  in  diversity  of  play  occurs. 
Figure  6  reveals  a  corresponding  situation  for  the  boys. 

It  is,  of  course,  true  that  these  data  do  not  tell  the  whole  story 
regarding  play  behavior.  For  example,  a  small  boy  may  think  himself 
to  be  playing  football  when  his  game  is  not  at  all  the  same  as  would 
be  a  game  of  football  played,  by  high  school  or  college  boys.  The 
same  is  true  of  many  other  activities.  The  real  age  differences  with 
respect  to  a  given  activity  may  be  qualitative.  In  the  latter  case, 
they  are  to  be  ascertained  by  the  method  of  a  detailed  psychological 
analysis  of  how  persons  of  various  age  levels  participate  in  recreational 
activities.  The  subjective  nature  of  such  analyses  make  them  difficult 
and  of  questionable  validity.  Too,  the  enormous  individual  differences 
that  exist  among  the  members  of  a  group  of  the  same  chronological 


64 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


age  make  doubtful  the  advisability  of  a  program  to  discover  such 
tendencies. 


Key 
Do. 

134 

■ 

24 
105 

95 
200 

150 
22 

175 
14 
17 

198 

86 
89 
85 
76 

j 

1 

173 

60 

169 

125 

180 
29 

197 
11 
12 
•l 

133 

18 

2 

79 

68 

165 
28 

i 

196 
45 

44 
51 
69 
57 
4 
52 
53 
50 
42 
47 

.   — ■_ ■ « i 1 1 1 1 1 1 »- 1 

lLseB—»Bi       9i     10>     llj     12|     13^     141-     15^     16i     nk    ISi     19i     20^  .  21i     2g 

Figure  4 
Ages  at  which  more  than  25%  of  boys  were  found  to  engage  in  various  activities. 


Aver- 


age of  findings  from  three  separate  investigations. 
*  November  only. 


See  Table  XI,  p.  65. 


It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  findings  herein  presented  do  not 
prove  that  classification  of  play  activities  on  the  basis  of  chronological 
age  is  not  a  useful  device.    It  is  difficult  to  make  a  comparison  of  the 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH 


65 


TABLE  XI 

(Key  to  Figure  4) 


134  Playing  in  the  sand. 

187  Toy  trains,  ships,  autos,  wagons, 

etc. 
183  Spinning  tops. 
48  Visiting    or    entertaining    com- 
pany. 
77  Building  or  watching  bonfires. 

21  Coasting  on  a  coaster. 

32  Rolling  an  auto  tire. 

151  Playing  Indian. 

153  Playing  robber  and  police. 

24  Swinging. 


105  Other  tag  games. 

95  Follow  your  leader. 

200  Playing  with  other  pets. 

99  Hide  and  seek. 

150  Playing  cowboy. 


22  Coasting  on  a  wagon. 
175  Cutting  paper  things  with  scis- 
sors. 

14  Checkers. 

17  Marbles. 
198  Playing  with  pet  kittens. 

67  Telling  or  guessing  riddles. 

88  Jumping  for  distance. 

89  Jumping  for  height. 

85  Just  running  and  romping. 
T^  Climbing  porches,  trees,  fences, 
posts,  etc. 


173  Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk, 
or  crayon. 

60  Playing  the  piano  (for  fun). 
189  Looking  at  pictures. 

86  Running  races. 
126  Throwing  rocks  or  stones. 


180  Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc., 

for  fun. 
29  Riding  a  bicycle. 
197  Playing  with  pet  dogs. 

11  Boxing. 

12  Wrestling. 

*  1  Football. 

133  Shooting  a  gun. 

18  Roller  skating. 
2  Basket  ball. 

79  Doing  gymnasium  work. 

68  Telling  stories. 
165  Just  si4|^g. 

28  Driving  an  auto. 
196  Making  or  using  a  wireless  or 
other  electrical  apparatus. 

45  Going  to  parties  or  picnics. 


44  Going  to  entertainments,  con- 
certs, and  so  on. 

51  Having  "dates." 

69  Listening  to  stories. 

57  Social  clubs,  or  being  with  t^ie 
gang. 
4  Ball  with  an  indoor  or  play- 
ground ball. 


52  Just  loafing  or  lounging. 

53  Social  dancing. 
50  Smoking. 

42  Just  hiking  or  strolling. 

47  Attending  lectures. 


*  November  only. 


66  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


Ages  8V2    9y2   10 1/2    11  y2    12 V2    13 y2   14 Va    15 y2   lei^   17 ^/^   isvz 

Legend 

Nov 

Feb.       ___    —    —    — 
Apr. 


Ave. 


Figure  S 
Ages  at  which  various  play  curves  drop  below  the  25  per  cent  level.    Data  for  girls  only. 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH 


67 


r '     •       •       «        ...       .       .       ., 

Ages    8 1/2      9^     101/2     111/2     12  Va     13 1/2    14 1/2     15 1/2     16  Ya     17  ¥2     18% 


Legend 


Nov. 
Feb. 
Apr. 
Ave. 


Figure  6 
Ages  at  which  various  play  curves  drop  below  the  25  per  cent  level.     Data  for   boys 

only. 


68  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

play  behavior  of  persons  of  different  age  levels  without  some  system 
of  classification.  The  present  discussion  is  intended  merely  to  em- 
phasize the  fact  that  classification  may  obscure  the  characteristic  fea- 
ture of  play  behavior,  namely,  its  continuity. 

TRANSITORINESS  AS  SHOWN  BY  THE  MEAN  INDICES  OF  SOCIAL 
PARTICIPATION   FOR  THE  VARIOUS  AGE  LEVELS 

In  the  investigation  which  was  made  in  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  in 
January,  1926,  the  children  were  asked,  not  only  to  designate  those 
activities  in  which  they  had  participated  during  the  preceding  week, 
but  also  to  indicate  those  activities  in  which  they  had  participated 
alone.  The  percentage  of  the  total  activities  that  the  social  activities 
represented  was  designated  the  index  of  social  participation.  Thus  an 
index  of  social  participation  of  80  indicates  that  80  per  cent  of  the  ac- 
tivities engaged  in  by  the  child  were  ones  in  which  one  or  more  other 
children  also  took  part. 

Table  XII  shows :  ( 1 )  The  number  of  children  of  various  age  levels 
included  in  the  study,  (2)  The  mean  indices  of  social  participation  for 
the  children  in  each  age  level  and,  (3)  The  mean  number  of  activities 
engaged  in  at  each  age  level. 


TABLE  XII 

Play  Data  for 

6,886  Children 

Mean  Indices 

Mean  No.  of 

of    Social 

Activities 

C.A. 

Frequencies 

Participation 

Engaged  in 

7y2 

84 

62.01 

44.26 

^Yz 

468 

63.25 

40.56 

9^ 

935 

61.70 

42.37 

10J4 

981 

60.58 

37.67 

nVz 

748 

58.12 

36.86 

12^ 

903 

55.69 

34.01 

uy. 

946 

55.65 

31.52 

14^ 

848 

52.92 

28.58 

15^ 

573 

52.28 

27.45 

16>^ 

288 

50.56 

25.91 

vjy. 

82 

52.04 

24.93 

18^ 

25 

52.32 

25.50 

19^ 

5 

57.50 

25.50 

Total  6886 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH 


69 


Figure  7  shows  the  mean  index  of  social  participation  of  each  age- 
level  group.  Very  large  individual  differences  exist  at  every  age  level  in 
this  regard  but  the  differences  between  the  mean  indices  of  social  par- 
ticipation at  the  various  ages  are  extremely  small.  There  is  a  tendency 
for  children  to  become  slightly  less  social  in  their  play  with  increase  in 
chronological  age.    However,  on  the  basis  of  these  data,  it  would  be 

Index  of 
Social  Adaptation 
100 


C.A 7|       6i       9i       lOi     lljr     12i-     isi-     Ui     15^     16i     17i     18*     i^i 

Figure  7 

Relationship  between  index  of  social  participation  and  C.  A.     See  Table  XII,  p.  68. 
See  also  Chap.  XIII,  p.  203  ff. 

impossible  to  designate  the  play  of  any  age  level  as  primarily  social  or 
individualistic  in  nature.  Conspicuous  differences  in  these  regards 
are  not  revealed  by  the  technique  employed. 


AGE  LEVELS  AT  WHICH  THE  PLAY  CURVES  MOST  COMMONLY 

REACH   THEIR  PEAKS 

Inspection  of  the  200  different  play  curves  similar  to  those  shown  in 
Figure  2,  page  60,  of  this  chapter,  reveals  that  in  most  instances,  the 
modes  of  the  curves  are  to  be  found  at  ages  8>4,  9>4,  and  10>4.    This 


No.    ol"  Play 
Activity  Curvea 


A.^es   Q'z 


IZh     l-ik     14^     15^-     16^:     17|-     18^     19  V     20i     21|-     22- 

FiGURE  S-A.     The  number  of  play  activity  curves  which  reached  their  peaks  at  various 

age  levels.     Data  for  boys  only,  by  seasons.     See  Table  XIII,  p.  71. 
Ho.   of  Plajf 
Activity  curves. 


80 

T    V 

■ 

60 

-V.      \ 

\\    \ 
^\    V 

\\  A 
\  v  \ 

/A 

40 

V 

\". 

20 

' 

\W.rr.r'--r''-^^**— *^^*^**''., 

/^ 

>^-**>.^... 

•»•., 

1                  1     .,    ...I I l..>4ir— -^ 

^^T 

.^Nll^''^^ 

Aeea— 8^       9^     10^     Hi     12^     13^     I4,k '  15^     16^     17^-     18^     19^     20^.    21i     22- 
FiGURE  8-B.     The  number  of  play  activity  curves  which  reached  their  peaks  at  various 
age  levels.    Data  for  girls  only,  by  seasons.    See  Table  XIII,  p.  71. 
Nov.    ■       Feb.  —  —  —  —  —  —       Apr 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  71 

situation  holds  both  for  boys  and  for  girls  and  similar  results  were 
found  for  each  of  the  three  seasons  of  the  year. 

It  is  not  to  be  understood  that  the  mode  of  a  given  play  curve  is 
always  a  great  deal  higher  than  any  other  point  of  the  curve.  In  most 
cases  the  peak  of  a  given  curve  is  only  slightly  higher  than  the  next 
highest  point.  Nevertheless,  when  it  is  remembered  that  as  many  as 
twelve  hundred  curves  were  inspected  (200  for  each  sex  and  400  for 
each  of  three  seasons),  and  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  situation 
remains  unchanged  when  the  data  are  partitioned  by  sexes  and  by  sea- 
sons, the  validity  of  this  phenomenon  is  verified. 


TABLE  XIII 

The  Age  Levels  at 

Which 

THE  Play  Curves  Reach  Their  Peaks 

Nov. 

1923 

Feb. 

1924 

Apr.  1924 

Ages 

Boys 

Girls 

Boys 

Girls 

Boys        Girls 

8^ 

62 

67 

52 

69 

74             71 

9^ 

44 

66 

62 

30 

47            42 

10^ 

48 

24 

30 

45 

24             53 

11^ 

7 

4 

8 

7 

7              6 

12^ 

6 

6 

10 

9 

7              6 

13^ 

1 

S 

1 

7 

9              9 

14^ 

2 

7 

4 

9 

3               7 

15^ 

4 

0 

1 

6 

0             10 

16J4 

3 

2 

0 

1 

6               1 

ny^ 

7 

9 

4 

3 

2              3 

18^ 

1 

7 

3 

8 

0              6 

19% 

1 

0 

0 

9 

4              4 

20% 

5 

5 

3 

4 

6               7 

2\% 

10 

6 

17 

5 

10              9 

22  or  above 

3 

S 

S 

3 

13              3 

The  above  table  is  to  be  read  as  follows: — Of  the  200  boys'  play  curves  that  were 
made  using  data  assembled  in  Nov.  1923,  sixty-two  were  at  maximum  height  at  age  8J4 ; 
forty-four  were  at  maximum  height  at  age  95^2 ,  etc.,  etc. 

The  columns  do  not  add  to  exactly  200  because  in  some  instances  the  curves  were 
bi-modal.  Double  credit  was  given  in  such  instances,  two  age  levels  each  being  con- 
sidered a  maximum  height. 

GROUP  VARIABILITY  AT  VARIOUS  AGE  LEVELS 

Greater  variability  was  manifested  by  the  groups  of  younger  chil- 
dren than  by  the  groups  of  older  ones.  The  largest  range  of  activities 
was  found  for  the  children  in  chronological  age  groups  8^,  9>4,  and 
10^.  This  condition  was  found  in  each  of  the  first  three  investiga- 
tions. It  is  significant  that  the  particular  play  activities  which  were 
found  to  vary  most  from  group  to  group  were  precisely  those  which 
were  most  popular  with  the  younger  children.  This  was  found  to  be 
true  in  almost  every  instance. 


72  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

TYPES   OF   PLAY   ACTIVITIES    PARTICIPATED    IN    BY    YOUNGER 
CHILDREN   AS   COMPARED    TO    OLDER   ONES 

The  fact  has  been  emphasized  already  that  attempts  at  classifica- 
tion are  hazardous.  Nevertheless,  the  play  behavior  of  young  children 
is  different  from  that  of  persons  more  mature.  The  present  discussion 
perhaps  will  be  better  systematized  if  an  attempt  is  made  to  list  the 
types  of  activities  participated  in  by  persons  of  varying  degrees  of 
maturity.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  types  listed  are  not  clear- 
cut  categories  and  that  the  purpose  is  to  describe  rather  than  to  dis- 
close clear-cut  types. 

In  general  it  was  found  that  the  play  activities  engaged  in  by  the 
youngest  individuals  (8^-10^)  are  of  the  following  tj^es:  * 

(1)  Activities    involving   pleasurable    bodily   movements   usually   of    a 

rhythmic   sort. 

(2)  Activities  involving  hiding  and  finding. 

(3)  Activities  involving  the  imitation  of  adults. 

(4)  Activities  involving  a  relatively  high  degree  of  skill. 

(5)  Activities  which  involve  efforts  at  construction. 

(6)  Activities  which  depend  for  their  enjoyment  primarily  upon  sense 

organ  stimulation. 

(7)  Tag  games. 

(8)  Singing  games  and  ring  games  (for  girls  chiefly). 

At  the  upper  age  levels  the  play  activities  which  were  usually  dis- 
carded could  be  classified  thus: 

(2)  Activities  involving  hiding  and  finding. 

(3)  Activities  involving  the  imitation  of  adults. 

(7)  Tag  games. 

(8)  Singing  and  ring  games. 

OLDER    PERSONS    MORE    CONSERVATIVE    IN   THEIR    PLAY 
BEHAVIOR    THAN    ARE    YOUNGER    PERSONS 

It  has  been  shown  previously  that:  (1)  The  older  subjects  studied 
engaged  in  a  smaller  number  of  activities  than  the  younger  ones.  (2) 
The  middle  fifty  per  cent  range  in  number  of  activities  participated  in 

*  (Examples  of  these  various  types  are  to  be  found  in  Chap.  VII,  pp.  83  to  107,  In 
which  a  detailed  discussion  of  sex  differences  is  presented.) 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  73 

frequently  diminished  as  age  advanced.  (3)  Very  few  of  the  play 
curves  reached  their  peaks  beyond  age  10>4.  (4)  The  older  persons 
engaged  in  fewer  distinct  types  of  activities.  All  these  findings  posit 
greater  conservatism  in  the  play  behavior  characteristic  of  adults. 

The  general  conservatism  of  the  older  individuals  in  play  behavior 
was  indicated  further  by  the  fact  that  they  varied  less  during  the 
course  of  the  year  than  the  younger  children,  i.  e.,  they  engaged  in 
fewer  seasonal  activities.  It  is  true  that  high  school  and  college  boys 
have  such  seasonal  activities  as  baseball,  basket  ball,  football,  etc.,  but 
the  younger  boys  have,  in  addition  to  these,  such  other  seasonal  or 
transitory  activities  as: 

Gathering  nuts. 

Coasting  on  a  sled. 

Snowball  fights. 

Building  snow  men,  snow  forts,  snow  houses,  etc. 

Flying  kites. 

Playing  marbles. 

Play  Jacks. 

Shinny. 

Walking  on  stilts. 

Rolling  a  hoop. 

Swinging. 

Sliding  on  a  playground  slide. 

Hide  and  seek. 

Roller  skating. 

Wading  in  the  water. 

Spinning  tops,  etc.,  etc. 

Not  all  of  the  activities  of  the  preceding  list  are  confined  to  any  one 
season  of  the  year.  Some  of  them  seem  to  come  and  go  as  transitory 
crazes  such  as  Mah  Jong,  cross-word  puzzles,  etc.  However,  in  the 
case  of  young  children,  such  transitory  activities  are  much  more 
numerous  than  they  are  in  the  case  of  adults.  In  most  instances  they 
continue  only  for  a  few  days  or  a  few  weeks  among  the  young  chil- 
dren whereas  the  longevity  of  such  activities  is  greater  for  adults. 

The  greater  variability  of  the  younger  children  was  demonstrated 
again  in  the  range  of  best  liked  activities,  the  range  being  conspicu- 


74  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

ously  greater  for  the  younger  children  than  for  the  older  ones.  (See 
Tables  VII  and  VIII,  p.  55  ff.)  Greater  variation  was  demon- 
strated also  in  the  range  of  activities  consuming  the  most  time.  Versa- 
tility of  interest  is  a  conspicuous  feature  of  the  play  of  young  children. 
Woodworth  offers  the  following  interesting  speculation  in  reference 
to  the  cause  of  the  tendency  for  young  children  to  engage  in  a  larger 
and  more  varied  assortment  of  plays  and  games  than  older  ones. 

"As  the  child  grows  older,  the  'economy  of  effort'  motive  becomes  stronger, 
and  the  random  activity  motive  weaker,  so  that  the  adult  is  less  playful 
and  less  responsive  to  slight  stimuli.  He  has  to  have  some  definite  goal 
to  get  up  his  energy,  whereas  the  child  is  active  by  preference  and  just  for 
the  sake  of  activity." 

SUMMARY 

Previous  investigations  of  play  with  subsequent  emphasis  upon 
periodicity  have  tended  to  obscure  the  most  important  characteristic  of 
play  behavior,  namely,  its  continuity.  Any  thoughtful  attempt  to 
characterize  a  particular  period  must  bring  the  conviction  that  the 
obvious  characteristic  traits  of  each  period  have  their  beginnings  in 
preceding  stages  and  merge  gradually  into  succeeding  ones. 

From  extensive  investigations  of  the  play  activities  of  unselected 
children,  the  present  writers  found  that  there  is  considerable  perma- 
nence of  the  play  interests  of  groups  of  children  of  various  ages.  The 
changes  are  not  sudden  and  sporadic.  The  play  trends  which  charac- 
terize a  given  age  group  seem  to  be  the  result  of  gradual  changes  occur- 
ring during  the  growth  period.  It  was  found  that  no  age  between  8^- 
22^  inclusive,  could  be  designated  social  or  individualistic  on  the 
basis  of  the  play  behavior  therein  revealed. 

The  younger  subjects  studied  engaged  in  a  larger  number  of  activi- 
ties than  the  older  ones.  The  median  number  of  activities  par- 
ticipated in  by  the  boys  of  age  8^  was  40;  at  16>^,  the  median 
was  20.  A  slight  decrease  occurred  subsequently.  The  transition  from 
age  to  age  was  very  gradual.  The  investigations  show  clearly  that 
there  are  no  age  levels  at  which  diversity  of  play  interest  suddenly  de- 
creases or  increases  by  spurts. 

Through  the  use  of  a  technique  employing  the  index  of  social  par- 
ticipation, an  attempt  was  made  to  discover  whether  the  play  of  certain 


GENERAL  AGE  GROWTH  75 

ages  is  predominately  more  social  than  at  others.  Very  large  indi- 
vidual differences  existed  at  every  age  level  but  the  differences  between 
the  mean  indices  of  social  participation  at  the  various  ages  were  ex- 
tremely small.  There  was  a  tendency  for  children  to  become  slightly 
less  social  in  their  play  with  increase  in  chronological  age.  However, 
on  the  basis  of  the  data  secured,  it  would  be  impossible  to  designate 
the  play  of  any  age  level  as  primarily  social  or  individualistic  in  nature. 
Conspicuous  differences  in  these  regards  w^ere  not  revealed  by  the  tech- 
nique employed. 

Individuals  become  more  and  more  conservative  in  their  play  as 
chronological  age  advances.  This  was  brought  out  through  the  fol- 
lowing data:  (1)  The  older  subjects  engaged  in  a  smaller  number  of 
activities  than  the  younger  ones.  (2)  The  middle  fifty  per  cent  range 
was  progressively  diminished  as  age  advanced.  (3)  Very  few  of  the 
play  curves  reached  their  peaks  beyond  age  10>4.  (4)  The  older 
children  engaged  in  fewer  distinct  types  of  activities. 


REFERENCES 

1.  Thorndike,    E.    L.      Educational    Psychology.      (Briefer    Course.)      New    York. 
Teachers  College,  Columbia  University.     1915.     Pp.  xii-442.     (p.  402.) 

2.  Thorndike,  E.  L.     op.  cit.    p.  403. 

3.  Thorndike,  E.  L.     op.  cit.    p.  404. 

4.  Chamberlain,  Alexander  Francis.     The  Child;  A  Study  of  the  Evolution  of  Man. 
New  York.    The  Walter  Scott  Publishing  Co.     1911.    Pp.  xii-498.     (Pp.  51-107.) 

5.  Chamberlain,  A.  F.    idem.    p.  70. 

6.  Idem.  p.  71. 

7.  Idem.    p.  72. 

8.  Idem.     p.  80. 

9.  Idem.     p.  80. 

10.  Idem.  p.  81  f. 

11.  Idem.    p.  83. 

12.  Idem.  p.  87  f. 

13.  Idem.     p.  88. 

14.  Kirkpatrick,  E.  A.  The  Individual  in  the  Making.  Boston.  Houghton  Mifflin 
Co.    1911.     Pp.  ix-339.      (p.   59  f.) 

15.  Quoted  in  The  Normal  Course  in  Play.  Prepared  by  the  Playground  and  Recrea- 
tion Association  of  America.  New  York.  A.  S.  Barnes  and  Co.  1925.  Pp.  x-261. 
(p.  71.) 

16.  Quoted  in  The  Normal  Course  in  Play.    op.  cit.    p.  71. 

17.  Johnson,  George  Ellsworth.  Education  by  Plays  and  Games.  New  York.  Ginn 
&  Co.     1907.     Pp.  xiv-234.     (p.  65  ff.) 

18.  Curtis,  Henry  S.  Education  Through  Plav.  New  York.  The  Macmillan  Co. 
1921.     Pp.  xix-3S9.     (p.  10  f.) 

19.  Quoted  by  G.  Stanley  Hall  in  Youth.  New  York.  D.  Appleton  and  Co.  1920. 
Pp.  x-379.     (p.  83.) 

20.  Bowen,  Wilbur  P.  and  Mitchell,  Elmer  D.  The  Theory  and  Practice  of  Organ- 
ized Play.    New  York.    A.  S.  Barnes  and  Co.    1923.    Vol.  I.    Pp.  viii-402.    (p.  249  f.) 


76  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

21.  Croswell,  T.  R.    Amusements  of  Worcester  School  Children.     Fed.  Sem.     1899,  6. 
Pp.  314-71.     (p.  331.) 

22.  Kirkpatrick,  E.  A.    Fundamentals  of  Child  Study.     New  York.     The  Macmillan 
Co.     1903.     Pp.  xxi-384.     (p.  152.') 

23.  Pringle,  Ralph  W.  Adolescence  and  High-School  Froblems.    Chicago.   D.  C.  Heath 
&  Company.     1922.     Pp.  x-386.     (p.  13.) 

24.  Pringle,  Ralph  W.     op.  cit.    p.  69. 

25.  Pringle,  Ralph  W.     op.  cit.    p.  70. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  PLAY  PREFERENCES  OF  CHILDREN  BELOW 

GRADE  III 

The  fact  has  already  been  mentioned  that  in  the  case  of  children 
below  the  third  grade  the  Play  Quiz  was  not  used  for  obtaining  data  in 
reference  to  play  behavior.  It  would  have  been  possible,  of  course,  for 
the  primary  teachers  to  read  the  list  of  play  activities  to  their  pupils 
and  have  them  indicate  whether  or  not  they  had  engaged  in  each 
activity  read.  This  procedure  has  advantages  but  it  was  discarded 
since  difficulties  in  understanding  might  have  ensued.  It  was  felt,  too, 
that  the  memory  of  the  young  child  might  not  be  reliable. 

To  reveal  the  play  behavior  of  children  below  Grade  III,  the  fol- 
lowing plan  was  developed  and  used.  Each  pupil  was  asked  to  men- 
tion the  five  things  which  he  liked  best  to  do  at  home.  After  securing 
these  five  choices,  an  equal  number  of  favorite  school  activities  was 
secured.  The  two  lists  were  secured  since  preliminary  investigations 
revealed  that  the  activities  best  liked  at  home  were  not  always  those 
enjoyed  most  at  school.  The  two  lists  obtained  from  each  child  were 
treated  together  for  it  was  felt  that  composite  treatment  would  afford 
the  best  overview  of  the  child's  total  play  life.  It  was  decided  that  it 
would  be  inadvisable  to  distinguish  the  order  of  the  various  preferences. 
The  writers  felt  that  the  method  used  in  obtaining  the  data  would  not 
justify  such  refinement  of  technique. 

Data  were  secured  from  children  in  the  following  Kansas  towns: 
Kansas  City,  Lawrence,  Bonner  Springs,  and  Moran.  In  order  that 
seasonal  differences  might  be  taken  into  account  investigations  were 
made  on  each  of  three  different  dates:  Nov.  7,  1923,  Feb.  20,  1924, 
and  Apr.  30,  1924.  The  data  were  subsequently  grouped  simply  by 
ages  and  sexes  and  graphs  made  therefrom.  Separate  charts  also 
were  made  for  each  of  the  three  seasons  of  the  year. 

77 


78  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Table  II  (p.  43),  shows  by  seasons  the  number  of  boys  and  girls 
below  Grade  III,  included  in  the  three  studies.  Tables  XIV  and  XV 
present  lists  of  those  activities  which  were  mentioned  with  sufficient 
frequency  to  justify  the  computation  of  percentages.  In  spite  of  a 
certain  inaccuracy  due  to  the  technique  employed,  which  perhaps  se- 
cured the  things  uppermost  in  mind  rather  than  the  actual  preferences, 
the  results  are  indicative  probably  of  genuine  preferences.  Distinct 
differences  are  revealed  between  the  sexes  in  their  play  favorites  at 
these  age  levels.  The  same  technique  was  used  for  boys  and  for  girls. 
The  early  divergence  in  interests  is  a  fact  of  significance  both  to  the 
psychologist  and  to  the  curriculum-maker.* 

TABLE  XIV 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best  by  Boys 
Below  the  Third  Grade  in  Certain  Kansas  Communities. 

Activity  Age 

S  6  7  8 

Ball  or  baseball  ■ 1  1  1  1 

Blocks    2  13 

Playing  with  a  wagon 3  4  11  7 

Playing    house    4  3  11  17 

Playing    horse    5  2  9  8 

Hide  and  seek   6  4  2  2 

Playing  tag   7  11  3  3 

Drawing     7  11  IS  IS 

Playing  school    8  S  8  4 

Playing  in  the  sand  pile   8  21  12  18 

London   Bridge    9 

Marbles    9  6  S  4 

Football     11  6  3  4 

Cowboy  and  Indian   10  7  8  S 

Plaving   train    10  9  13 

Skipping     10  11  14  19 

Farmer  in  the  dell   11  8  17  12 

Sliding  on  the  playground  slide  IS  9  4  10 

Writing  on  the  blackboard,  writing  with  colored  crayons,  etc. . .  IS  10  11  13 

Running  races    IS  10  10  11 

Swinging    14  10  10  10 

Playing  robber  and  police    : •  •  17  7  14 

Basket  ball   17  8 

Playing  on  the  teeter-totter   .  •  IS  13  8 

Reading   IS  H  10 

*  These  and  other  sex  differences  will  be  discussed  in  Chapter  VII. 


PREFERENCES  OF  CHILDREN  BELOW  GRADE  III     79 

TABLE  XV 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Actwities  Liked  Best  by  Girls 
Below  the  Third  Grade  in  Certain  Kansas  Communities. 

Activity  Age 

5  6  7  8 

Playing  house    1  1  1  1 

Dolls    2  3  4  S 

Playing  school   4  2  2  2 

Hide  and  seek  10  4  2  3 

Playing   tag    8  7  3  4 

Ball  or  baseball  3  S  8  7 

Drawing     4  11  12  10 

Mulberry  bush    S  8  16  20 

Blocks    6  

Skipping    7  11  11  11 

Making    things     7  . .  18  16 

Ring  around  the  roses   9  S  7  7 

Playing  in  the  sand  pile  9  18  . .  32 

Jumping   rope    7  4  2  2 

Drop  the  handkerchief 17  9  7  15 

Farmer  in  the  dell 9  7  15 

Swinging    13  11  6  6 

Reading 16  10  7  q 

Sliding  on  the  playground  slide   17  10  7  8 

Playing  on  the  teeter-totter   17  14  10  10 

Writing  on  the  blackboard,  writing  with  colored  crayons,  etc. . .  13  12  9  17 

Working,  doing  chores,  etc 16  13  13  9 

Jacks 12  9 

Individual  differences  in  play  preference  were  enormous.  The 
amount  of  individual  difference  is  not  shown  in  the  tables.  That  800 
different  activities  were  mentioned  by  the  children  is  indicative  of  the 
extent  of  individual  variation.  During  the  reports  of  the  children,  it 
was  noted  that  the  children  reported  with  great  frequency  that  they 
liked  to  help  some  one  in  the  performance  of  certain  tasks.  Again 
and  again  the  primary  child  testified  that  he  liked  to  ''help  mamma," 
do  this  or  that,  or  to  "help  grandma  or  grandpa  or  uncle,"  with  this  or 
that  homely  enterprise.  Such  assistance  as  could  be  rendered  by  a 
five-year-old  child  would  in  most  instances  be  of  a  superfluous  nature. 
It  is  probable  that  assistance  was  sometimes  tolerated  at  the  sacrifice 
of  time  and  efficient  performance. 

The  difficulty  of  analyzing  and  classifying  responses  falling  under 
the  head  of  "helping  some  one"  must  be  apparent  at  once  to  the  reader. 
It  was  impossible  for  the  teacher  to  tell  exactly  what  part  the  child 
took  in  the  experience  reported  by  him.  Therefore  this  activity  or 
series  of  activities  was  not  included  in  Tables  XIV  and  XV.  It  is  im- 
portant for  the  student  to  realize  that  this  tendency  was  reported  fre- 


80  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

qiiently  by  the  children,  that  its  popularity  is  evidence  of  a  funda- 
mental human  drive,  the  desire  for  new  experience. 

Table  XVI  presents  some  of  the  specific  items  which  the  primary 
children  mentioned  to  their  teachers  as  among  their  five  best-liked 
home-activities.  Most  of  the  activities  listed  in  Table  XVI  would  ordi- 
narily be  regarded  as  onerous  tasks.  Thus,  eighteen  of  these  small 
children  stated  that  "washing  dishes"  was  one  of  the  best-liked  home 
activities.  It  is  highly  probable  that  most  of  the  children  were  too 
young  to  be  trusted  with  this  task  and  that  the  actual  assistance  ren- 
dered was  negligible.  That  supervision  was  involved  and  activity  re- 
stricted is  indicated  by  the  assertion  of  one  youngster  that  she  liked  to 
"wash  and  wipe  the  dishes  alone,"  and  by  the  statement  of  a  small  boy 
that  he  liked  "to  put  coal  in  the  furnace  ij  allowed."  Such  qualifica- 
tions, although  not'  specifically  mentioned,  probably  apply  to  many  of 
the  preferences  displayed  in  Table  XVI.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that 
many  of  the  preferences  result  not  from  actual  participation  in  certain 
activities  but  from  a  desire  to  participate  in  varied  and  novel  activities. 
These  data  give  evidence  of  the  impulse  to  obtain  new  experience,  of 
the  deep-rooted  desire  for  physical  and  mental  activity  on  the  part  of 
the  growing  child. 

Dewey  has  pointed  to  children's  desire  to  "help": 

»/  "Children  want  to  'help';  they  are  anxious  to  engage  in  the  pursuits  of 
adults  which  effect  external  changes:  setting  the  table,  washing  dishes,  help- 
ing care  for  animals,  etc.  In  their  plays  they  like  to  construct  their  own 
toys  and  appliances.  With  increasing  maturity,  activity  which  does  not 
give  back  results  of  tangible  and  visible  achievement  loses  its  interest.  .  .  . 
Observable  results  are  necessary  to  enable  persons  to  get  a  sense  and  a 
measure  of  their  own  powers."  ■■■ 


PREFERENCES  OF  CHILDREN  BELOW  GRADE  III      81 

TABLE  XVI 

Some  of  the  Things  Which  Primary  Children  Like  to  do  When 


AT  Home 


Girls 
Wash  the  dishes. 
Wipe  the  dishes. 
Wash  and  wipe  the  dishes  alone. 
Set  the  table. 
Clean  house. 

Cook. 
Sweep. 

Make  candy. 
Sew  center  pieces. 
Feed  the  chickens. 

Gather  eggs. 
Clean  the  yard. 
Put  the  dishes  away. 
Sweep  the  porch. 
Make  beds. 

Help  with  the  washing. 
Help  scrub. 

Work  at  the  store  (father's). 
Put  the  dishes  away. 
Take  care  of  the  baby. 


Boys 
Cut  and  chop  wood. 
Help  father  at  the  store. 
Take  the  wagon  to  the  post-office. 
Pick  apples. 
Go  to  the  store. 

Run  errands. 

Bring  in  the  coal,  wood,  etc. 

Make  the  fire. 

Haul  fodder. 

Feed  bran  to  the  hog. 

Put  coal  in  the  furnace  (if  allowed). 
Help  papa  paint  the  house. 
Get  the  mail. 
Milk  the  cow. 
Rake  the  yard. 

Plant  flowers. 

Help  plow. 

Pound  coal. 

Help  father  at  the  butcher  shop. 

Make  the  dog  house. 


It  is  evident  that  the  tasks  mentioned  by  Dewey  are  not  too  onerous 
to  appeal  to  the  child  who  is  too  young  to  have  had  real  experience 
with  them.  Collectively  the  above  lists  evidence  the  fact  that  the 
growing  child  craves  new  experiences  for  the  sake  of  the  experience. 
Groos  has  pointed  to  the  fact  that  such  activity  facilitates  the  develop- 
ment of  the  child's  inherited  abilities."  Seashore,  too,  has  commented 
on  this  phenomenon: 

"Growth  through  play  is  evident  in  the  development  of  the  social  nature 
of  the  child,  and  is  especially  marked  in  the  development  of  his  conscious- 
ness of  kinship  with  a  group.  .  .  .  Child  play  reproduces  on  its  level  the 
struggles  and  achievements  of  developed  social  life  .  .  .  the  child  .  .  .  grad- 
ually approaches  the  stern,  adult  realities,  taught  and  trained,  hardened 
and  softened,  warmed  and  cooled,  roused  and  rationalized,  through  those 
very  engagements,  in  play,  which  without  break  or  loss  of  their  original 


82  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

character  gradually  blend  into  the  duties,  responsibilities,  opportunities  and 
achievements  of  adult  life."  ^ 

And  again:  "Children  seldom  play  with  the  intention  of  fitting  themselves 
for  life,  nor  are  adults  ordinarily  conscious  of  serving  this  purpose  in  play. 
Children  play,  as  do  the  rest  of  us,  because  it  satisfies  certain  cravings  and 
seems  to  be  the  eternally  fit  and  natural  thing  to  do.  It  is  only  in  the 
larger,  retrospective  view  that  we  realize  how  nature  has  wrought  marvels 
of  development  through  the  operation  of  the  play  instincts."  ^ 

In  the  last  analysis  the  child's  desire  to  help  is  the  means  which 
nature  has  provided  for  his  self-help.  The  parent  and  the  teacher  who 
are  cognizant  of  this  fact  will  give  the  child  permission  to  "help"  when- 
ever it  seems  desirable  to  do  so.  It  is  important  that  the  parent  or 
teacher  attempt  to  turn  the  impulse  to  help  to  good  account.  Certain 
psychologists  hold  that  any  response  that  an  organism  is  capable  of 
making  may  be  attached  (at  least  theoretically)  to  any  situation  to 
which  it  be  sensitive.  Multitudinous  forms  of  redirection  which  satisfy 
the  desire  for  new  experience  are  therefore  possible.  The  parent  and 
teacher  should  recognize  that  it  is  dangerous  and  unwise  to  repress  or 
suppress  such  a  powerful  original  drive  to  activity.  They  should  rec- 
ognize the  strength  of  the  drive  and  seek  diligently  to  direct  it  in  such 
a  way  as  to  facilitate  maximum  growth. 

REFERENCES 

1.  Dewey,  John:  Democracy  and  Education.    New  York.    The  Macmillan  Co.    1921. 
Pp.  xii-434.     (p.  239.) 

2.  Groos,  Karl:   The  Play  of  Man.    New  York.     D.  Appleton  and  Co.     1908.     Pp. 
ix-412.     (p.  2.) 

3.  Seashore,  Carl:  Psychology  in  Daily  Life.    New  York  and  London.    D.  Appleton 
and  Co.    1916.    Pp.  xvii-22S.    (p.  7.) 

4.  Seashore,  Carl:  op.  cit.    p.  2. 


CHAPTER  VII 
SEX  DIFFERENCES 

Popular  thinking  assumes  conspicuous  differences  between  the 
sexes  in  most  traits.  The  average  person  has  no  hesitancy  in  describ- 
ing dogmatically  these  differences.  Striking  differences  have  been 
emphasized  in  intelligence.  Terman  and  Hollingworth  have  demon- 
strated conclusively  that  sex  differences  have  been  exaggerated  in 
regard  to  this  function.^  ^  The  outstanding  differences  pointed  to  by 
earlier  investigators  have  not  been  found  when  objective  measures  have 
been  employed.  The  conspicuous  and  vital  fact  regarding  the  sexes 
in  reference  to  intelligence  is  their  likeness. 

Salient  data  are  available  regarding  intelligence.  Little  experiment 
tation  has  been  carried  on  in  reference  to  other  traits.  Large  sex  dif 
ferences  are  generally  assumed. 

When  human  traits  or  activities  are  objectively  measured  it  is  found 
that  continuity  of  variation  exists.  Therefore  classification  usually  af- 
fords a  very  incomplete  description  of  the  data. 

Sex  differences  in  play  behavior  have  been  overemphasized  by  previ- 
ous investigators.  Play  behavior  is  a  function  of  so  many  variables 
that  it  is  unsatisfactory  to  characterize  most  activities  as  belonging 
primarily  to  one  sex  or  the  other.  In  some  instances  the  present 
writers  found  that  a  given  play  activity  is  engaged  in  more  frequently 
by  younger  boys  than  by  girls  of  the  same  ages,  but  that  the  opposite 
of  this  situation  exists  at  the  upper  age  levels,  older  girls  engaging 
more  frequently  in  the  same  activity  than  older  boys.  This  was  found 
for  "Just  hiking  or  strolling,"  and  for  "Social  clubs  or  being  with  the 
gang." 

The  following  quotation  reveals  that  others  are  cognizant  of  the 
difficulties  attendant  upon  cataloguing  play  activities  according  to  sex. 

"The  idea  that  certain  ^ames  and  occupations  are  for  boys  and  others 
for  girls  is  a  purely  artificial  one  that  has  developed  as  a  reflection  of  the 

83 


84  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

conditions  existing  in  adult  life.  It  does  not  occur  to  a  boy  that  dolls  are 
not  just  as  fascinating  and  legitimate  a  plaything  for  him  as  for  his  sister, 
until  some  one  puts  the  idea  into  his  head."  ^ 

The  amount  of  sex  difference  may  be  studied  best  by  examination 
of  the  graphs  made  for  each  of  the  200  activities.  Each  graph  shows 
the  percentages  of  boys  and  of  girls  of  various  ages  who  engaged  in 
each  activity.  Lack  of  space  has  prevented  the  inclusion  of  all  of  these 
graphs  or  the  data  from  which  they  were  made.  However,  an  over- 
view of  sex  differences  in  play  behavior  may  be  obtained  by  examining 
the  lists  of  activities  here  given  in  which  sex  differences  are  conspicu- 
ous. 

Table  XVII  presents  those  activities  which  are  more  commonly 
engaged  in  by  boys  than  by  girls.  The  activities  are  arranged  in  order 
of  merit,  those  activities  showing  the  largest  amount  of  sex  difference 
being  listed  toward  the  top  of  the  page.  Table  XVIII  presents  a  simi- 
lar list  showing  the  activities  in  which  girls  participate  more  frequently 
than  boys.  Table  XIX  displays  a  list  of  activities  in  which  the  sexes 
participate  with  approximately  equal  frequency. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES 


85 


TABLE  XVII 

Play  Activities  More  Commonly  Participated  in  by  Boys  Than  by 
Girls  at   Practically  Every  Age 

Football.  Just  playing  catch. 

Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  Coasting  on  a  wagon. 

fun.  Rolling  an  auto  tire. 

Wrestling.  Fishing. 

Marbles.  *Playing  pool. 
Riding  a  bicycle. 

Climbing     porches,     trees,     fences.      Pitching  horseshoes, 
posts,  etc. 

Playing  with  bow  and  arrows. 

Swimming. 

Digging  caves  or  dens. 

Spinning  tops. 

Playing  with  toy  trains,  ships,  autos, 

wagons,  etc. 
Playing   fire    engine    (or    hook    and 

ladder) . 
Running  races. 
Matching  pennies. 
Coasting  on  a  coaster. 


Throwing  rocks  and  stones. 

Playing  cowboy. 

Boxing. 

Whistling. 

Shooting  a  gun. 

Playing  Indian. 

Playing  robber  and  police 

Basket  ball. 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball. 

Driving  an  auto. 

Watching  athletic  sports. 

Smoking. 

Jumping  for  distance. 


Jumping  for  height. 

Mumbly  peg. 

Flying  kites. 

Making  or  using  a  wireless,  or  other 

electrical  apparatus. 
Snowball  fights. 
Pole  vaulting. 


Playing  bandit. 
Playing  soldier. 
Playing  with  pet  dogs. 
Playing  with  an  indoor  or  playground 
ball. 

Horseback  riding. 

Rolling  a  hoop. 

Walking  on  stilts. 

Hunting. 

Building  or  watching  bonfires. 

Building  a  dam. 


*  In  the  case  of  some  activities  the  sex  difference  is  slighter  than  would  perhaps 
have  been  expected  because  of  the  fact  that  few  members  of  either  sex  engaged  in  the 
particular  activity. 


86 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


TABLE  XVIII 

Play  Activities  More  Frequently  Participated  in  by  Girls  Than  by 
Boys  at  Practically  Every  Age 


Playing  with  dolls. 
Visiting  or  entertaining  company. 
Playing  house. 
Just  singing. 

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for 
fun. 

Playing  the  piano   (for  fun). 
Writing  letters. 
Jumping  or  skipping  rope. 
Dressing  up  in  older  folks'  clothing. 
Playing  school. 


actor     or     movie 


Social  dancing. 

Jacks. 

Playing     movie 

actress. 
London  bridge. 
Stringing  beads. 


Going  to  parties  or  picnics. 

Folk-dancing. 

Just  imagining  things. 

Looking  at  pictures. 

Gathering  flowers. 

Going    to    entertainments,    concerts, 

and  so  on. 
Playing  with  pet  kittens. 
Playing  Sunday  school. 
Drop  the  handkerchief. 
Cutting  paper  things  with  scissors. 


Teasing   somebody. 
Just  hiking  or  strolling. 
Hop,  skip,  and  jump. 
Playing  nurse. 
Listening  to  the  victrola. 


Sleigh-riding. 

Reading  short  stories. 

Telling  or  guessing  riddles. 

Telling  fortunes  or  having  fortunes 

told. 
Hop-scotch. 

Hide-and-seek. 

Playing  store. 

Playing  other  make-believe  games. 

Statuary. 


"Here  I  come."    "Where  from?" 
Tin-tin. 

Other  singing  games. 

Old  witch. 

Pussy  wants  a  corner. 

Making  mud  pies,  mud  dolls,  etc. 
Painting  with  water-colors. 
Making  a  scrapbook. 
Taking  snapshots. 
Roller  skating. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES 


87 


TABLE  XIX 

Play  Activities  Which  Are  Participated  in  About  as  Commonly  by 
One  Sex  as  by  the  Other 


Dominoes. 
Sleigh-riding. 
Riding  in  an  auto. 
Excursions    to    the 

country,  etc. 
Attending  lectures. 


woods,    parks, 


Chewing  gum. 

Having  ''dates." 

Card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge, 

whist. 
Looking    at    the    Sunday    "funny" 

paper. 
Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings. 

Reading  the  newspapers. 
Reading  books. 
Listening  to  stories. 
Writing  poems. 
Doing  gymnasium  work. 


Doing  calisthenics. 

Just  running  and  romping. 

Follow  your  leader. 

Run,  sheep,  run. 

Anty-over. 


Blackman. 
Crack  the  whip. 
Dodgeball. 
Croquet. 
Jackstraws. 


Pillow  fights. 
Playing  in  the  sand. 
Post-office. 
Three  deep. 
Other  ring  games. 


Clay  modeling. 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or 

crayon. 
Other  toys. 
Picture  puzzles. 
Playing  with  pet  rabbits. 
Playing  with  other  pets. 


TYPES  OF  ACTIVITIES  COMMONLY  PARTICIPATED  IN  BY  BOTH 
SEXES  OF  AGES  SYz  TO  i2i/4  INCLUSIVE 

For  boys  and  girls  of  ages  83^  to  12>^  inclusive  there  is  consider- 
able unanimity  of  interest  in  play  activities.  In  order  that  the  reader 
may  observe  the  chief  characteristic  of  the  sexes  in  reference  to  play, 
namely,  the  likeness,  the  writers  have  compiled  in  Table  XX  a  list  of 
the  types  of  activities  in  which  both  boys  and  girls  of  ages  8^  to  12^ 
participate.  All  of  the  activities  of  the  list  are  participated  in  by  some 
children  of  each  sex;  some  of  the  activities,  however,  are  much  more 
frequently  participated  in  by  one  sex. 


88  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

The  writers  found  that  girls  took  part  much  more  frequently  than 
boys  in  some  of  the  activities.  These  are  designated  (§).  Those  in 
which  boys  participated  much  more  frequently  than  girls  are  marked 
(t).  The  activities  in  which  the  boys  indulged  only  to  a  slightly 
greater  extent  than  girls  are  marked  (f).  Those  activities  in  which 
girls  participated  only  slightly  more  frequently  than  the  boys  are 
designated  (*). 

TABLE  XX 

Types  of  Play  Activities  Commonly  Participated  in  by  Children  op 
Ages  8^  to  12^  Inclusive 

(1)  Activities   involving   pleasurable   bodily   movements,    usually   of   a 

rhythmic  sort. 

Girls  Boys 

Riding  in  an  auto.  Riding  in  an  auto. 

*  Swinging.  Swinging. 

*  Roller  skating.  Roller  skating. 

t  Sliding  on  a  playground  slide.  Sliding  on  a  playground  slide. 

*  Playing  teeter-totter.  Playing  teeter-totter. 
§  Jumping  or  skipping  rope.                    $  Rolling  an  auto  tire. 

X  Coasting  on  a  wagon. 
%  Coasting  on  a  coaster. 

(2)  Activities  which  involve  the  hiding  and  finding  of  objects  or  the 

concealment  of  one's  own  person. 

Girls  Boys 

§  Drop  the  handkerchief.  Drop  the  handkerchief, 

*  Blind  man's  buff.  Blind  man's  buff. 

*  Hide  the  button.  Hide  the  button. 

*  Hide  the  thimble.  Hide  the  thimble. 

*  Hide  and  seek.  Hide  and  seek. 

(3)  Activities  which  involve  the  imitation  of  older  persons. 

Girls  Boys 

§  Playing  school.  Playing  school. 

§  Playing  house.  f  Playing  horse. 

*  Playing  store.  j  Playing  cowboy. 
§  Playing  movie  actor  or  actress.  X  Playing  soldier. 

§  Playing  with  dolls,  doll  carriages,      $  Playing  robber  and  police, 
doll  clothes,  etc. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  89 

(4)  Activities  which  involve  a  rather  high  degree  of  motor  skill. 


Girls 

Follow  your  leader. 
*  Hop,  skip,  and  jump. 
§  Jacks. 


Boys 

Follow  your  leader. 
Hop,  skip,  and  jump. 
%  Spinning  tops. 


§  Sewing,   knitting,   crocheting,   etc.,      $  Marbles. 


for  fun. 


I  Mumbly  peg. 

$  Track  and  athletic  events. 


(5)  Activities  which  consist  of  efforts  at  construction. 


Girls 

*  Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk  or 

crayon. 

*  Cutting  paper  things  with  scissors. 
§  Sewing,    knitting,    crocheting,    etc., 

for  fun. 
Fixing  or  repairing  something. 
Helping  somebody  with  his  work. 


Boys 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk  or 

crayon. 
Cutting  paper  things  with  scissors. 
Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for 
fun. 
X  Fixing  or  repairing  something. 
Helping  somebody  with  his  work. 


(6)  Activities  which  seem  to  depend  almost  wholly  upon  sensory  stimu- 
lation, as  for  example: 


Girls 

Chewing  gum. 

*  Listening  to  the  victrola. 

t  Building  or  watching  bonlires. 
§  Gathering  flowers. 

Whistling. 
§  Just  singing. 

(7)  Tag  games. 

Girls 

Other  tag  games. 

*  Drop  the  handkerchief. 

*  Three  deep. 

(8)  Singing  games. 

Girls 
§  London  Bridge. 
Other  singing  games. 


Boys 

Chewing  gum. 
Listening  to  the  victrola. 
Building  or  watching  bonfires. 
Gathering  flowers. 
t  Whistling. 
Just  singing. 


Boys 

Other  tag  games. 
Drop  the  handkerchief. 
Three  deep. 


Boys 
London  Bridge. 
Other  singing  games. 


90  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

(9)  Activities  which  involve  reading.  v 

Girls  Boys 

*  Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings.  Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings. 

*  Reading  the  newspapers.  Reading  the  newspapers. 

*  Reading  short  stories.  Reading  short  stories. 

*  Reading  books.  Reading  books. 

Reading  or  looking  at  magazines.  Reading  or  looking  at  magazines. 

(10)  Miscellaneous  activities. 

Girls  Boys 

Going  to  the  movies.  t  Going  to  the  movies. 

§  Writing  letters.  Writing  letters. 

Looking   at   the    Sunday  ''funny"        Looking   at    the   Sunday    "funny" 

paper.  paper. 

Watching  athletic  sports.  $  Watching  athletic  sports. 

It  is  apparent  from  Table  XX  that  the  play  life  of  pre-adolescent 
girls  and  boys  has  many  elements  in  common.  Both  sexes  engage  in 
activities  v^^hich  involve  pleasurable  bodily  movement,  the  hiding  and 
finding  of  objects,  imitation  of  older  persons,  bodily  activity  and 
motor  skill,  skill  in  construction,  sensory  gratification,  reading,  and 
singing.  The  difficulty  of  hard  and  fast  classification  of  play  data  has 
been  pointed  out  previously.  Nevertheless,  in  order  that  the  present 
discussion  may  be  better  systematized,  an  attempt  w^ill  be  made  to 
present  types  of  activities  in  which  sex  differences  v^^ere  found.  The 
writers  have  compiled  the  lists  with  a  full  realization  of  the  overlapping 
of  the  categories.  The  inclusion  of  several  activities  under  different 
headings  is  a  result  of  the  awareness  of  the  overlapping.  Hard  and 
fast  classifications  can  not  be  drawn.  The  following  rather  conven- 
ient divisions  facilitate  description  of  the  data. 

TYPES  OF  ACTIVITIES  IN  WHICH  CONSPICUOUS  SEX  DIF- 
•    FERENCES  ARE  FOUND 

Ages  Sy2  to  8^  inclusive.* 

Active,  vigorous  plays  and  games. 

One  difference  appeared  consistently  throughout  the  investigations 
that  were  conducted.    This  was  the  conspicuous  tendency  for  boys  to 

*  The  children  of  age  8^   here  discussed  were  children  who  had  not  reached  the 
third  grade  in  school. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  91 

engage  more  frequently  than  girls  in  extremely  active  plays  and  games 
and  for  the  girls  to  participate  more  frequently  than  boys  in  games 
sedentary  in  character.  This  difference  appeared  at  a  very  early  age. 
Inspection  of  the  tables  presented  on  pages  78  and  79  reveals  that  the 
activity  best  liked  by  boys  below  Grade  III  is  "Ball  or  baseball."  The 
girls'  most  frequently  mentioned  preference  is  "Playing  house."  Other 
activities  preferred  by  boys  are: 

Hide  and  seek.  Playing  horse. 

Tag.  Playing  football. 

Playing  cowboy  and  Indian. 

Boys  of  ages  5J^  and  6^  indicated  also  a  preference  for  "Playing 
with  blocks,"  "Playing  house,  "Playing  London  Bridge,"  etc.,  but  the 
popularity  of  these  activities  declined  rapidly  as  chronological  age 
advanced. 

Activities  other  than  "Playing  house,"  which  appeared  frequently 
among  the  preferences  of  the  girls  are: 

Playing  with  dolls.  Swinging. 

Playing  school.  Jumping  rope. 

Playing  tag. 

Other  of  the  best-liked  activities  of  the  primary  boys  and  girls  may 
be  identified  by  inspection  of  the  Tables  XIV  and  XV,  presented  on 
pages  78  and  79.  It  will  be  noted  from  these  tables  that  "Playing 
football,"  and  "Playing  with  dolls,"  are  about  the  only  activities  con- 
fined almost  exclusively  to  one  sex  or  the  other.  Most  of  the  activities 
of  the  lists  were  participated  in  both  by  boys  and  by  girls.  Sex  dif- 
ferences were  not  revealed  to  the  extent  previous  writers  have  indi- 
cated. 


TYPES  OF  ACTIVITIES  IN  WHICH  CONSPICUOUS  SEX  DIF- 
FERENCES ARE  FOUND 

Ages8>^  to  I2y2 

It  was  pointed  out  previously  that  the  primary  boys  studied  fre- 
quently engaged  in  extremely  active  plays  and  games.  This  tendency 
was  found  also  for  boys  of  ages  8^^  to  12>^  inclusive.    The  activities 


92  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

more  frequently  participated  in  by  boys  than  by  girls  of  these  ages 
include : 

Football.  Climbing    porches,    trees,    fences, 

Boxing.  posts,  etc. 

,    Wrestling.  Throwing  rocks  or  stones. 

Snowball  fights. 
Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc..        Playing  cowboys. 

for  fun.  Playing  robber  and  police. 

Track  events. 

There  is  a  difference  also  in  the  way  in  which  the  sexes  play  certain 
games.  For  example,  both  girls  and  boys  engage  in  basket  ball,  indoor 
baseball,  etc.,  but  girls  seem  to  exert  less  energy  in  these  play  activities. 
In  general,  the  writers  noted  that  the  girls  tended  to  avoid  active  par- 
ticipation in  certain  games  which  afforded  extremely  vigorous  diversion 
for  the  boys. 

ACTIVITIES  WHICH  INVOLVE  MUSCULAR  DEXTERITY,  SKILL 

AND  STRENGTH 

A 'difference  between  the  sexes  was  found  in  the  persistent  tendency 
of  the  boys  to  turn  to  activities  which  posit  muscular  dexterity,  skill 
and  strength.  Many  of  the  activities  listed  on  pages  85  and  86  are  of 
this  type.  Additional  activities  of  slightly  different  type  which  can  be 
characterized  as  requiring  a  marked  degree  of  motor  skill  and  co- 
ordination were  engaged  in  more  frequently  by  the  boys  than  by  the 
girls.    Among  these  are  the  following: 

Spinning  tops.  Mumbly  peg. 

Marbles.  Walking  on  stilts. 

Some  activities  in  which  the  girls  participated  more  frequently  than 
the  boys  required  muscular  skill  and  coordination.    Among  these  are: 

Tacks.  Jumping  or  skipping  rope. 

Sewing,    knitting,   crocheting,   etc., 
for  fun. 

In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  activities  which  require  a  marked 
f^egree  of  motor  skill  were  much  less  numerous  in  the  lists  of  activities 
frequently  participated  in  by  girls  than  in  those  of  the  boys. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  93 

ACTIVITIES  INVOLVING  THE  ELEMENT  OF   COMPETITION 

Noticeable  also  was  the  relatively  great  frequency  with  which  the 
boys  turned  to  activities  involving  the  element  of  competition.  This 
tendency  was  not  revealed  to  so  marked  a  degree  by  the  girls  studied. 
The  following  activities  involving  the  element  of  competition  were  en- 
gaged in  frequently  by  the  boys. 

Football.  Wrestling. 

Boxing.  Snowball  fights. 

Track  events. 

ORGANIZED  PLAYS  AND  GAMES 

Another  important  difference  revealed  clearly  in  the  lists  of  activi- 
ties most  frequently  engaged  in  is  the  greater  degree  of  organization 
necessary  for  participation  in  many  of  the  boys'  games.  The  boys' 
games  tend  to  conform  to  recognized  and  accepted  codes  of  rules.  They 
involve  cooperation  to  a  greater  extent  and  likewise  submission  to  an 
arbiter.  Girls,  on  the  other  hand,  were  found  to  play  few  games  in 
which  a  high  degree  of  organization  is  required.  Their  pastimes  were 
more  often  individual  in  nature.  The  boys'  games  which  best  exem- 
plify a  high  degree  of  organization  are : 

Football.  Baseball  with  a  hard  ball. 

Basket  ball.  Track  events. 

It  has  been  said  frequently  that  girls  enjoy  witnessing  athletic 
sports,  boys  preferring  to  participate  in  them.  The  present  studies 
showed  the  boys  to  be  more  fond  than  the  girls  of  watching  athletic 
sports. 

SEDENTARY  ACTIVITIES  AND  ACTIVITIES  INVOLVING  RE- 
STRICTED RANGE  OF  ACTION 

Young  girls  seem  to  find  it  necessary  to  obtain  their  play  life 
through  activities  within  the  home  or  very  near  the  home.  Such  a  re- 
striction does  not  exist  to  the  same  extent  for  boys.  Therefore,  the 
boys  studied  took  part  much  more  frequently  than  the  girls  in  certain 
activities  requiring  a  relatively  wide  geographical  radius,  i.e.: 

Horseback  riding.  Hunting. 

Gathering  nuts.  Fishing. 

Flying  kites. 


94  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

PLAY  ACTIVITIES  INVOLVING  INDIRECT  RESPONSES, 
THE  USE  OF  LANGUAGE,  ETC. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  girls'  activities  involve  the  use  of  language  to 
a  slightly  greater  extent  than  do  those  of  boys.  This  is  seen  clearly  in 
such  activities  as : 

Visiting  and  entertaining  company.        Reading  the  newspapers. 
Writing  letters.  Reading  short  stories. 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings.  Reading  books. 

Teasing  somebody. 

In  the  investigations  herein  reported  sex  difference  as  regards  the 
percentage  of  individuals  participating  therein  was  marked  only  for 
the  first  two  of  the  above  activities.  In  the  case  of  the  others,  the  dif- 
ference was  small  but  consistently  in  favor  of  the  girls. 

It  is  common  knowledge  that  girls  and  women  are  relatively  voluble 
as  compared  with  men.  Jesperson  states  that,  as  compared  with  boys, 
girls  are  found  to  learn  to  talk  at  a  younger  age  and  to  stutter  and 
stammer  less  often.  Too,  they  suffer  less  frequently  from  other  speech 
defects.* 

Earlier  maturing  may  account  for  the  fact  that  girls  participate 
more  frequently  than  boys  in  activities  involving  the  use  of  language 
but  it  may  be  due  merely  to  a  tendency  toward  greater  loquaciousness 
on  the  part  of  the  girls.  It  may  be  that  girls  turn  more  frequently  than 
boys  to  play  activities  involving  the  use  of  language  because  of  the  in- 
direct gratification  of  certain  desires  so  obtained. 

Previous  citation  has  been  given  to  the  fact  that  girls  read  more 
than  boys.  The  differences  between  the  sexes  in  this  regard  were  not 
large.  However,  the  sex  differences  in  reference  to  the  popularity  of 
book-reading,  and  the  relative  amounts  of  time  devoted  to  book- 
reading  were  significant. 

Table  XXI  shows  how  "Reading  books,"  ranked  in  favor  among 
the  200  activities  of  the  Play  Quiz,  according  to  the  children's  own 
statements.  Table  XXI  is  to  be  read  as  follows: — ^''Reading  books" 
is  the  one  activity  of  the  entire  list  of  200  that  was  most  frequently 
selected  as  one  of  their  three  favorite  activities  by  the  males  of  age 
21^  included  in  the  investigation  of  February,  1924.  This  activity 
was  second  in  popularity  among  white  boys  of  ages  12^2,  13>^,  and 
17^,  included  in  the  investigation  of  January,  1926. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  95 

It  will  be  noted  from  Table  XXI  that  "Reading  books,"  was  most 
frequently  selected  as  one  of  their  three  favorite  activities  by  two 
groups  only  of  males,  one  of  these  groups  being  the  members  of  the 
faculty  of  the  University  of  Kansas,  the  other,  students  of  age  21^. 
The  greater  popularity  of  book-reading  among  girls  is  indicated  by  the 
fact  that  te7i  groups  of  girls  gave  book-reading  rank  one  in  popularity. 
Examination  of  Table  XXI  reveals  further  evidence  of  the  girls'  greater 
fondness  for  book-reading,  i.e.,  the  groups  of  girls  report  fondness  for 
book-reading  much  more  frequently  than  the  groups  of  boys. 

Table  XXII  shows  how  "Reading  books"  ranked  among  the 
list  of  200  games,  sports,  and  other  play  activities  in  reference  to  the 
relative  amount  of  time  consumed  by  the  activity.  T^ble  XXII  is 
to  be  read  as  follows:  According  to  the  children's  own  judgments 
"Reading  books,"  consumed  more  time  than  any  other  one  activity 
for  boys  of  ages  9^,  20^,  and  22^,  included  in  the  investigation 
of  November,  1923.  However,  this  activity  consumed  more  time  than 
any  other  activity  for  the  girls  of  ages  9^  to  18}4  inclusive. 

It  will  be  noted  from  Table  XXII  that  "Reading  books,"  was 
judged  to  consume  more  time  than  any  other  activity  by  23  groups  of 
boys  and  by  49  groups  of  girls.  It  is  at  once  apparent  that  the  girls 
studied  spent  a  greater  proportion  of  their  leisure  time  in  reading 
books  than  did  the  boys. 

Table  XXIII  displays  by  sex  the  percentages  of  individuals  of 
various  age  levels  who  indicated  that  "Reading  books,"  was  one  of  their 
three  favorite  leisicre-time  activities.  The  amount  of  sex  difference  is 
at  once  apparent.  Separate  tables  and  graphs  were  made  for  the 
seasonal  data  and  for  each  of  the  sub-groups  studied,  but  since  the 
amount  of  sex  difference  was  found  to  be  approximately  the  same  for 
each  sub-group,  the  data  have  been  treated  collectively  in  Table 
XXIII. 

Table  XXIII  shows  clearly  that  book-reading  is  more  often  a  favor- 
ite activity  among  girls  than  among  boys.  Between  ages  10 5^  and 
163^  inclusive,  book-reading  is  mentioned  as  one  of  three  favorites  by 
almost  twice  as  large  a  percentage  of  girls  as  of  boys. 

Table  XXIV  displays  by  sex  the  percentages  of  individuals  who  in- 
dicated that  "Reading  books,"  was  the  one  activity  that  had  consumed 
more  of  their  leisure  time  than  any  other  of  the  list  of  200  leisure- 


96  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

time  activities.  The  data  obtained  from  the  six  separate  investigations 
are  given  composite  treatment  in  Table  XXIV.  It  will  be  noted  that 
at  most  age  levels  a  larger  percentage  of  girls  than  of  boys  judged 
book-reading  to  have  consumed  more  of  their  leisure  time  than  any 
other  activity. 

It  is  interesting  to  speculate  regarding  the  educational  implications 
of  the  above  findings.  The  sex  differences  are  clearly  marked.  Recent 
writers  have  emphasized  the  fact  that  the  problem  of  the  modem 
school  is  to  teach  children  to  want  to  read  rather  than  merely  to  im- 
part reading  ability.  Professor  Morrison  has  said  that  in  the  appraisal 
of  the  learning  product  the  vital  question  is,  "What  does  the  pupil  do 
when  he  is  on  his  own?"  As  a  means  of  appraising  the  learning  prod- 
uct, Professor  Morrison  furnishes  the  pupil  with  ready  access  to  a 
liberal  amount  of  material  written  in  French,  German,  or  Latin,  as  the 
case  may  be,  and  then  sees  what  the  pupil  does  without  supervision  or 
requirement.  If  the  pupil  reads,  this  fact  is  taken  as  evidence  that  the 
real  learning  product  has  been  obtained.  If  the  pupil  does  not  read, 
it  is  inferred  that,  regardless  of  test  results,  the  real  learning  product 
(adaptation)  has  not  been  obtained.^ 

If  education  be  regarded  as  a  process  of  habit-formation  it  is 
evident  that  girls  acquire  the  reading  adaptation  at  earlier  ages  than 
boys. 

One  logically  asks  what  effect  the  above  sex  difference  in  reading 
adaptation  has  upon  school  work.  Much  attention  has  recently  been 
given  to  the  fact  that  girls  obtain  better  marks  in  school  work,  fail 
less  often,  and  experience  a  smaller  percentage  of  elimination  from 
school  than  boys.  Several  attempts  have  been  made  to  explain  these 
facts  but  no  single  explanation  seems  to  be  wholly  Scitisfactory.  School 
marks  are  doubtless  a  function  of  many  and  diverse  elements  and  it 
seems  probable  that  no  single  statement  will  suffice  to  explain  why 
girls  progress  through  school  more  rapidly  than  boys. 

In  a  Master's  thesis  recently  completed  by  Mae  M.  Gale  at  the 
University  of  Kansas,  the  Terman  Group  Intelligence  Test  and  the 
Stanford  Achievement  Examination  were  administered  to  268  boys 
and  326  girls  in  the  Junior  High  School  of  Lawrence,  Kansas.®  It  was 
found  that  the  girls  surpassed  the  boys  by  a  larger  margin  in  reading 
than  in  any  other  subject. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES 


97 


If  the  finding  in  reference  to  the  girls'  superior  reading  ability  rep- 
resents a  general  situation  it  seems  likely  that  this  sex  superiority  may 
be  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  the  girls  spend  a  greater  proportion  of 


TABLE  XXI 

How  Activity  No.  66,  "Reading  Books,  Just  for  Fun,"  Ranked  Among  a  List  of 
200  Games,  Sports,  and  Other  Play  Activities  in  Reference  to  Popularity. 


Ages 


Nov. 
1923 


8^ 

10^ 
IVA 
12^ 
13^ 
14^ 

16^ 
11% 
18^ 
19J^ 
20^ 
213^ 

22  or  above 
K.  U.  Faculty 
Men 


85^ 

\0V2 

12^ 
U% 
14^ 

16^ 
17^ 

18^ 

20^ 
2\y2 

22  or  above 
K.  U.  Faculty 
Women 


Feb. 
1924 


13 

5 


11 

2 
6 
6 
6 
7 
7 
8 
12 
1 
3 


Apr. 
1924 


Boys 


t 

t 

11 

t 

6 

6 

6 

S 

11 

10 

X 

5 
12 

t 


Girls 

16 

9 

7 

2 

1 

1 

2 

2 

3 

1 

6 

5 
17 

7 
11 


Nov. 

1924 

(Rural) 

S 
11 

% 
11 
12 

t 

X 

X 

* 

* 


*  No  data  assembled. 

J  Mentioned  by  less  than  S%  of  individuals. 


Nov. 

1925 

(Rural) 


9 

X 
10 

X 


Jan. 

1926 

(White) 

4 
14 
11 

3 
2 
2 
4 
S 
3 
2 
* 
* 
* 


10 
S 
4 
2 
2 
1 
2 
2 
* 

* 
* 
* 
* 


Jan. 

1926 
(Negro) 

X 

X 

X 
13 

X 

X 
u 

10 


their  leisure  time  at  reading  books  than  do  the  boys.  If  the  above 
hypothesis  is  accepted  it  follows  that  the  data  herein  presented  point 
the  way  to  an  evaluation  of  extra-curricular  activities. 


98 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


The  writers  will  not  attempt  to  account  for  the  fact  that  the  girls 
are  more  fond  than  the  boys  of  book-reading.  It  is  probable  that 
numerous  factors  produce  this  situation.     The  writers  have  sought 

TABLE  XXII 

How  Activity  No.  66,  "Reading  Books,  Just  for  Fun,"  Ranked  Among  a  List  of 
200  Games,  Sports,  and  Other  Play  Activities  in  Reference  to  Time  Consumed. 


Ages 

8^ 

9^ 
10^ 
11^ 
121^ 

15^ 
1654 
171^ 
18% 
19% 
20% 
21% 

22  and  up 
K.  U.  Faculty 
Men 


8% 

9% 
10% 
11% 
12% 
13% 
14% 
15% 
16% 
17% 
18% 
19% 
20% 
21% 

22  and  up 
K.  U.  Faculty 
Women 


Nov. 
1923 


Feb. 
1924 


Apr. 
1924 

Boys 

t 
t 
9 
7 
3 
3 
3 
4 
3 
1 
1 
1 
1 
7 
2 


Girls 


Nov. 
1924 
(Rural) 

4 

3 

t 
5 
i 


Nov.  Jan.  Jan. 

1925  1926  1926 

(Rural)    (White)     (Rural) 


i 

3 

2 

3 

2 

1 

2 

1 

8 

t 

2 

2 

2 

2 

5 

2 

6 

2 

3 

3 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

3 

1 

1 

t 

2 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

♦ 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

1 

* 

* 

* 

♦ 

*  No  data  assembled. 

$  Mentioned  by  less  than  3%  of  individuals. 

merely  to  point  to  the  above  rather  marked  sex  difference  in  reference 
to  fondness  for  book-reading  and  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  "to  give 
boys  and  girls  a  love  of  books  means  far  more  than  to  teach  them  to 
read." 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  99 

TABLE  XXIII 

Percentages  of  Individuals   of  Various  Age  Levels  Who   Stated   That   "Reading 

Books,  Just  for  Fun,"  Was  One  of  Their  Three  Favorite  Leisure  Time  Activities. 

Composite  Results  of  All  Investigations  Which  Were  Made 

No.  of  No.  of 

Ages  Males  % 


8^ 

531 

6.7 

9^ 

796 

6.1 

ioy2 

874 

4.9 

ny2 

898 

6.3 

12^ 

1010 

74 

13^^ 

1113 

11.0 

14^ 

1024 

10.2 

is^ 

932 

12.1 

16^ 

684 

11.8 

171^ 

421 

14.7 

18J^ 

41S 

8.7 

19^ 

316 

10.4 

2oy2 

182 

6.5 

2\yi 

153 

11.7 

22  or  above 

262 

15.5 

K.  U.  Faculty 

135 

29.7 

Females 

% 

568 

11.1 

781 

8.7 

969 

10.5 

1064 

13.7 

1243 

15.8 

1104 

20.0 

1135 

21.4 

943 

21.4 

709 

29.0 

583 

25.9 

461 

17.6 

309 

13.9 

273 

12.1 

192 

20.8 

246 

15.4 

35 

25.7 

TABLE  XXIV 

Percentages  of  Individuals  of  Various  Age  Levels  Who  Indicated  That  "Reading 
Books,  Just  for  Fun,"  Had  Consumed  More  of  Their  Leisure  Time  Than  Any 
Other  Activity  of  a  List  of  200  Games,  Sports,  and  Other  Play  Activities.     Com- 
posite Results  of  All  Investigations  Which  Were  Made. 

No.  of  No.  of 


Ages 

Males 

% 

Females 

% 

8^ 

531 

1.9 

568 

5.3 

91/2 

796 

4.7 

781 

5.4 

10^ 

874 

8.1 

969 

7.7 

11^ 

898 

7.6 

1064 

8.7 

12^ 

1010 

7.1 

1243 

12.7 

13^ 

1113 

7.7 

1104 

19.7 

14^ 

1024 

6.8 

1135 

17.2 

15^ 

932 

9.7 

943 

16.4 

16^ 

684 

10.4 

709 

23.6 

17^ 

421 

14.3 

583 

24.4 

18^ 

415 

7.5 

461 

14.5 

19^   . 

316 

10.8 

309 

10.0 

20^ 

182 

15.9 

273 

8.8 

21^ 

153 

12.4 

192 

14.6 

22  or  above 

262 

17.9 

246 

12.2 

K.  U.  Faculty 

135 

21.0 

35 

17.1 

HIDING  GAMES 


Girls  were  found  to  engage  more  frequently  than  boys  in  each  of 
the  following  hiding  games.  The  difference  is  not  especially  marked 
for  any  one  activity  but  was  consistent  in  every  case. 


100  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Drop    the    handkerchief.  Hide  the  button. 

Bhnd  man's  buff.  Hide  the  thimble. 

Hide  and  seek. 

It  is  possible  that  the  girls  engage  more  commonly  than  boys  in 
each  of  the  preceding  activities  simply  because  they  are  sedentary  in 
character.  It  is  difficult  to  disentangle  sedentariness  from  such  a 
factor  as  indirection. 


CONSERVATIVE  PLAYS  AND  GAMES 

It  is  of  interest  that  the  girls  showed  less  seasonal  change  in  their 
play  than  did  the  boys.  This  was  true  both  for  the  activities  partici- 
pated in,  those  mentioned  as  favorites,  and  those  which  consumed  the 
largest  amount  of  time.  It  was  noticeable  particularly  in  the  case  of 
the  activities  best  liked  and  those  which  consumed  the  greatest  amount 

TABLE  XXV-a 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  to  Which  the  Boys 
.    Eight  to  Fifteen  Years  of  Age  Thought  They  Had  Given  the  Most  Time.* 

Activity                                           '  Age 

8  9  10  n  12  13       14       IS 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball  **   1  1  1  2  2  3         2         3 

Football***    2  2  2  1  1  1         3         2 

Basket  ball  ****    ..  S  4  5  2  2         1         1 

Reading    books    3  5  4  4  4        4        4 

Riding  a  bicycle   , S  5  3  3  5  5         S         6 

Marbles     3  4  6  7  4       

Boxing    4  5  5  6  

Playing   cowboy    2  5  5  

Roller  skating    5  6  6  7  5  7 

Going  to  the  "movies"   6  S  5  6  6  6         6         7 

Horseback    riding    6  6  6  7  6       

Driving  an  automobile 


Listening   to   the   radio    . . . 

Having    "dates"     

Just  "loafing"  or  lounging 

Tennis  **     

Just  playing  catch   

Watching  athletic  sports   . . 
Hunting  ***     


..765 
....  8  8 
....  9  8 
....         9        8 

..798 
6        

..787 
..445 

*  The  following  activities  consumed  much  time,  but  it  is  difficult  to  rank  them  on  the 
basis  of  the  time  consumed:  jumping  for  distance,  pole  vaulting,  jumping, for  height, 
coasting  on  a  wagon,  riding  in  an  automobile,  doing  "stunts"  in  the  gymnasium,  playing 
with  pet  dogs,  spinning  tops,  making  or  using  a  wireless  or  other  electrical  apparatus, 
and  fishing. 

**  April  data. 

***  November  data. 

****  November  and  February  data. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES 


101 


TABLE  XXV-b 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  to  Which  the  Young  Men 
Sixteen  Years  of  Age  or  Older  Thought  They  Had  Given  the  Most  Time.* 


Activity 

Football  **     

Basket    ball  ***     

Reading  books   , 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball  ****  

Driving  an  automobile    

Just  "loafing"  or  lounging   

Reading  the  newspapers 

Having  "dates" 

Going  to  the  "movies"    

Listening  to  the  radio   , 

Attending   lectures    , 

Just  "hiking"  or  strolling   

Reading  short  stories  

Writing    letters    , 

Social  clubs  or  being  with  the  gang . . , 

Social  dancing    

Doing  gymnasium  work    

Hunting  **     

Tennis  ****     

Watching  athletic  sports 


University 

Age 

22  or 

of  Kansas 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

Oldei 

Faculty 

2 

1 

1 

1 

3 

4 

5 

1 

2 

2 

3 

8 

4 

3 

3 

2 

1 

1 

1 

3 

4 

5 

4 

S 

4 

5 

7 

5 

8 

4 

5 

7 

6 

5 

2 

2 

3 

8 

7 

7 

4 

4 

2 

2 

2 

7 

7 

7 

4 

5 

5 

5 

9 

8 

9 

S 

3 

7 

11 

8 

8 

s 

2 

3 
S 

4 
7 

7 

8 

9 
10 

S 

8 

10 
5 

7 

12 

6 

5 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

5 

9 

8 

11 

4 

4 

6 

4 

4 

4 

s 

s 

3 

4 

4 

5 

7 

*  The  following  activities  consumed  much  time,  but  it  is  difficult  to  rank  them  on  the 
basis  of  the  time  consumed:  going  to  entertainments,  concerts,  etc.;  visiting  or  entertain- 
ing company;  card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge,  and  whist;  playing  for  fun  musical 
instruments  other  than  the  piano;  running  races  (April  data);  smoking,  swimming; 
riding  in  an  automobile;  going  to  parties  or  picnics;  and  playing  golf. 

**  November  data. 

***  November  and  February  data. 

****  April  data. 

of  time.  See  Tables  VII,  VIII,  XXV,  and  XXVI.  Table  VIII  shows 
that  the  favorite  activities  of  girls  (ages  8>4  to  12^)  were  "Playing 
with  dolls,"  and  "Going  to  the  movies."  The  activity  consuming  the 
largest  amount  of  time  was  "Reading  books."  None  of  the  activities 
revealed  large  seasonal  variation. 

The  boys'  favorite  activities  were  "Football,"  "Baseball,"  and 
"Basket  ball."  These  were  the  activities  which  also  consumed  the 
greatest  amount  of  the  boys'  time.  These  activities  are  of  course  sea- 
sonal. The  present  writers  found  "Basket  ball,"  to  be  less  seasonal 
than  "Football,"  or  "Baseball." 

The  girls'  conservatism  was  shown  when  the  individual  age  groups 
were  studied.  The  greater  variability  of  the  male  in  play  was  ap- 
parent at  all  ages. 


102 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


Conservatism  on  the  part  of  the  girls  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that 
girls  mature  more  rapidly  than  boys.  However,  it  may  be  due  merely 
to  the  fact  that  range  in  play  behavior  is  greatly  restricted  for  girls. 
It  is  common  knowledge  that  girls  are  required  to  conform  more  rigor- 
ously to  conventional  demands  than  boys  and  this  principle  probably 
holds  for  play  behavior,  unusual  play  activities  on  the  part  of  the  girls 
being  quickly  suppressed. 

TABLE  XXVI-a 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  to  Which  the  Girls 
Eight  to  Fifteen  Years  of  Age  Thought  They  Had  Given  the  Most  Time.* 


Activity 

Reading    books    

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 

Jacks  ** 

Playing  the  piano  for  fun   

Roller   skating    

Riding  in  an  automobile   

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun. 

Playing    school    

Playing  house  

Writing  letters    

Jumping  or  skipping  rope  **   

Gathering  flowers  **  

Going   to   the   "movies"    

Going  to  parties  or  picnics   

Basket  ball  ***    

Visiting  or  entertaining  company   

Social  dancing    

Having  "dates"    

Reading  short  stories   

Reading    the    newspapers    

Doing  gymnasium  work   

Listening  to  the  radio   ^ 

Ball  with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball  ■■'* . 


10 
1 

2 
3 
2 
3 
3 
3 
3 
4 
4 
4 
4 
3 
5 


Age 

11       12 
1         1 

3 
4 
2 
3 
3 
3 
4 


13 


14       15 


*  The  following  activities  consumed  much  time,  but  it  is  difficult  to  rank  them  on  the 
basis  of  the  time  consumed:  watching  athletic  sports,  just  singing,  social  clubs  or  being 
with  the  gang,  listening  to  the  victrola,  just  "hiking"  or  strolling,  and  running  races. 

**  April  data. 

***  Novem.ber  and  February  data. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  103 

TABLE  XXVI-b 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  to  Which  the  Young 
Women  Sixteen  Years  of  Age  or  Older  Thought  They  Had  Given  the  Most  Time* 

University 
Age  22  or  of  Kansas 

Activity  16       17       18       19       20       21  Older  Faculty 

Reading  books  1         1         1         1         1         1         1  1 

Playing  the  piano  for  fun   2         3         6         S         7         7         6 

Having    "dates"     4        4         2         2         3         4         6 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company 3         7         3         3         2         S         2  4 

Going  to  the  "movies"   4         2       

Social  clubs  or  being  with  the  gang ....        S         6         S         2         4         2         5 

Reading  short   stories    S        5        4        7        7        7        8  7 

Reading  the  newspapers   5        5        8        9        7        6        7  5 

Social  dancing   7         8         5         6         S         3         6 

Writing  letters   8         S         6         7         6         4  3 

Going  to   entertainments,   concerts,  etc.         78S63S5  3 

Attending  lectures 7        4         6         6        3  2 

Just  "loafing"  or  lounging 8         7         6         5         6         7  4 

Riding  in  an  automobile   6         8         8         8         7         7 

Going  to  picnics  or  parties   7         8        8        9         8         8 

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun         5877789  5 

Gathering   flowers  **    9         7         7         8  4 

Just  "hiking"  or  strolling 7         6         8  4 

*  The  following  activities  consumed  much  time,  but  it  is  difficult  to  rank  them  on  the 
basis  of  the  time  consumed:  just  imagining  things;  card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge, 
and  whist;  just  singing;  drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon;  driving  an  auto- 
mobile ;  reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings ;  doing  gymnasium  work ;  w^atching  athletic  sports ; 
tennis;  and  listening  to  the  victrola. 

**  April  data. 

There  is  another  hypothesis  which  may  explain  the  greater  con- 
servatism of  the  girls.  It  may  be  that  girls  are  more  able  to  endure 
situations  in  their  play  behavior  which  would  prove  monotonous  to 
boys.  Thorndike  quotes  Heymans  and  Wiersma  to  the  effect  that 
only  38  per  cent  of  men  reach  or  exceed  the  median  of  women  in 
patience/  Cabot,  too,  has  observed  that  girls  seem  to  possess  more 
patience  in  their  play  activity  than  boys.  Cabot  makes  the  following 
statement: 

"Boys  seldom  stay  long  in  a  swing  without  contriving  'stunts'  to  put 
variety  and  adventure  into  the  drowsy  motion;  but  I  have  seen  girls  swing 
indefinitely  without  variation  or  check."  ^ 

Cannon,  too,  has  observed  that  male  cats  are  less  patient  than 
females.  He  found  that  young  male  cats  are  more  restive  and  excited 
when  fastened  to  a  holder  than  females. 

"In  my  earliest  observations  on  the  movements  of  the  stomach  I  had 


104  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

difficulty  because  in  some  animals  the  waves  of  contraction  were  perfectly 
evident,  while  in  others  there  was  no  sign  of  activity.  Several  weeks  passed 
before  I  noticed  that  this  difference  was  associated  with  difference  in  sex. 
In  order  to  be  observed  with  Rontgen  rays  the  animals  were  restrained 
in  a  holder.  Although  the  holder  was  comfortable,  the  male  cats,  par- 
ticularly the  young  males,  were  restive  and  excited  on  being  fastened  to  it, 
and  under  these  circumstances  gastric  peristaltic  waves  were  absent;  the 
female  cats,  especially  if  elderly,  usually  submitted  with  calmness  to  the 
restraint,  and  in  them  the  waves  had  their  normal  occurrence."  ^ 

NUMBER    OF    DIFFERENT    PLAY    ACTIVITIES    ENGAGED    IN    BY 

BOYS  AND  GIRLS 

Table  IX,  page  59,  shows  the  median  number  and  the  middle  fifty 
per  cent  range  of  the  activities  engaged  in  by  the  sexes. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  median  and  quartile  lines  of  the  girls  fall 
slightly  beneath  those  of  the  boys  in  every  age  interval.  Similar  re- 
sults were  found  when  the  data  were  partitioned  by  seasons.  It  seems 
that  girls  engage  in  a  slightly  smaller  number  of  activities  than  do  boys 
at  all  ages  when  each  age  group  is  considered  as  a  distinct  unit. 

AGES  OF  GREATEST  SEX  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR 

For  certain  of  the  200  play  activities  sex  differences  are  conspicu- 
ous at  every  age  level.  Inspection  of  the  graphs  for  all  activities  re- 
veals the  fact  that  the  boys'  and  girls'  curves  deviate  most  at  ages  8^ 
to  10^  inclusive. 

The  fact  that  sex  difference  is  greatest  among  children  at  the 
younger  age  levels  may  be  due  to  the  tendency  of  little  children  to 
simulate  the  activities  of  elders  of  their  own  sex.  Small  girls  tend  to 
play  house,  to  play  with  dolls,  etc.,  while  small  boys  take  part  in  activi- 
ties of  the  following  sorts:  "Playing  cowboy,"  "Bandit,"  "Indian," 
"Robber  and  police,"  etc.  With  increase  of  maturity  imitative  games 
are  less  frequent  and  sex  differences  consequently  less  pronounced. 

It  is  noticeable  further  that  as  chronological  age  increases  the  sexes 
tend  to  engage  more  frequently  in  the  same  activities.  It  is  likely 
that  increase  in  maturity  brings  greater  opportunity  for  social  inter- 
course between  the  sexes,  and  consequent  opportunity  for  participation 
in  common  activities. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  105 

ELIMINATION  OF  CERTAIN  ACTIVITIES  AS  CHRONOLOGICAL 

AGE  ADVANCES 

A  large  number  of  the  activities  of  the  Play  Quiz  was  not  engaged 
in  by  adults.  Less  than  60  per  cent  of  the  200  activities  were  engaged 
in  by  as  many  as  1  per  cent  of  adults.  Table  XXVII  presents  the 
percentages  of  the  200  activities  that  were  engaged  in  by  less  than  1 
per  cent  of  individuals  of  various  ages.  Data  are  presented  for  the 
sexes.  Eighty-five  of  the  boys'  activities  (42.5  per  cent)  and  112 
of  the  girls'  activities  (56.0  per  cent)  were  engaged  in  by  less  than  1  per 
cent  of  those  individuals  22  or  above  in  chronological  age. 

It  is  interesting  that  girls  tend  to  abandon  more  activities  in  early 
years  than  do  boys.  This  may  be  due  to  a  fact  previously  emphasized. 
Girls  mature  more  rapidly  than  boys  and  maturity  correlates  with 
narrowing  of  play  interests. 

It  is  significant  that  between  the  ages  14^  to  18)4  inclusive, 
the  girls  as  a  group  engaged  in  a  slightly  larger  number  of  activities 
than  the  boys.  This  seems  inconsistent  in  the  light  of  the  previous 
statement  in  respect  to  the  earlier  maturation  of  the  girls.  The  prob- 
able explanation  for  this  apparent  inconsistency  is  to  be  found  in  the 
types  of  activities  participated  in  by  boys  of  ages  14>4  to  18^.  At 
these  ages  boys  engaged  in  numerous  games  involving  team  work. 
Boys  are  therefore  drawn  to  common  activities  and  are  afforded  less 


TABLE  XXVII 

rAGES  OF 

THE  200  Activities 

OF  THE  Play 

Quiz  That  Were  Engage 

BY 

Less  Than  1%  of 

Individuals 

OF  Various 

Ages. 

Boys 

Boys 

Girls 

Girls 

Ages 

No.  of  Act.  • 

%  of  Act. 

No.  of  Act 

%  of  Act. 

8/2 

, , 

9H 

. . 

, , 

.. 

io>4 

nVz 

uy-i 

3 

'i.s 

13^ 

i 

*".S 

10 

s. 

.   14>^ 

IS 

7.5 

IS 

7.5 

15>4 

24 

12. 

27 

13.5 

16^ 

50 

25. 

43 

21.5 

17^ 

60 

30. 

SO 

25. 

18>4 

70 

35. 

68 

34. 

191^ 

80 

40. 

85 

42.5 

20>4 

83 

41.5 

89 

44.S 

21^ 

84 

42. 

93    . 

46.S 

22J4  and  up 

85 

42.5 

112 

56. 

106  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

opportunity  to  engage  in  individual  ones.  The  girls  of  corresponding 
chronological  ages  engaged  less  frequently  in  games  which  require 
cooperative  effort.  They  are,  therefore,  more  free  to  turn  to  indi- 
vidualistic activities. 

SUMMARY 

Popular  thinking  assumes  conspicuous  sex  differences  in  play. 
The  present  series  of  investigations  revealed  that  both  sexes  partici- 
pate in  most  play  activities  and  engage  in  many  with  equal  frequency. 
Therefore,  it  is  difficult  and  unsatisfactory  to  classify  various  plays 
and  games  as  characteristic  ones  of  one  sex  or  the  other. 

Sex  differences  result  from  many  variables.  The  present  studies 
revealed  that  young  boys  engage  more  frequently  than  young  girls  in 
certain  activities,  while  the  opposite  situation  exists  in  subsequent 
periods.  Extensive  and  reliable  information  must  be  at  hand  before 
generalizations  are  justified. 

Conspicuous  differences,  although  not  the  rule,  are  to  be  found 
between  the  sexes  in  play  behavior.  The  boys  studied  engaged  more 
frequently  than  the  girls  in  the  following  types  of  activities: 

Active,  vigorous  plays  and  games. 

Plays  and  games  involving  muscular  dexterity  and  skill. 

Games  involving  competition. 

Organized  plays  and  games. 

The  girls,  however,  engaged  more  frequently  than  boys  in  the 
following : 

Sedentary  activities  and  activities  involving  restricted  range  of  action. 

The  girls  were  more  conservative  in  their  play  life;  they  displayed 
less  variability  than  did  the  boys. 

The  largest  sex  differences  were  found  at  ages  8^  to  lOJ^  in- 
clusive. As  chronological  age  increased  the  sexes  tended  to  engage 
more  frequently  in  the  same  activities.  Consequently  sex  differences 
were  not  so  pronounced  at  the  higher  age  If^vels. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  107 

REFERENCES 

1.  Terman,    Lewis    M.      The    Measurement    of    Intelligence.      Boston.      Houghton 
MiffUn  Co.     1916.     Pp.  xvii-362.     (p.  6S  ff.) 

2.  Hollingworth,  Leta  S.    "Variability  as  Related  to  Sex  Differences  in  Achievement." 
American  Journal  of  Sociology.     Jan.  1914.     19,  Pp.  510-530. 

3.  Dewey,  John  and  Dewey,  Evelyn.     Schools  of  To-morrow.     New  York.     E.  P. 
Dutton  &  Company.     1915.     316  pp.     (p.  115.) 

4.  Jesperson,  Otto.     Language,   Its  Nature,  Development   and  Origin.     New  York. 
Henry  Holt  and  Co.     1923.    448  pp.     (p.  146). 

5.  Morrison,  H.  C.     The  Practice  of  Teaching  in  the  Secondary  School.     Chicago. 
The  University  of  Chicago  Press.     1926.     Pp.  viii-661. 

6.  Gale,  Mae  L.     A  Study  in  Pupil  Achievement.     Unpublished  Master's  Thesis  on 
file  at  Watson  Library.     The  University  of  Kansas,  Lawrence,  Kansas.     1926. 

7.  Thomdike,    E.    L.      Educational    Psychology.      (Briefer    Course.)       New    York. 
Teachers  College.     Columbia  University.     1915.     Pp.  xii-442.     (p.  349.) 

8.  Cabot,  Richard  C.     What  Men  Live  By.     Boston.     Houghton  Mifflin  Co.     1914. 
Pp.  xxi-341.     (p.  131.) 

9.  Cannon,  Walter  B.    Bodily  Changes  in  Pain,  Hunger,  Fear,  and  Rage.    New  York. 
D.  Appleton  and  Company.     1920.    Pp.  xiii-311.     (p.  14.) 


/ 


I 


CHAPTER  VIII 

A  COMPARISON  OF  THE  PLAY  ACTIVITIES  OF  TOWN 
AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN  * 

CURRENT  OPINION 

Much  theoretical  material  has  been  published  from  time  to  time 
regarding  the  play  behavior  of  country  and  town  children.  In  this 
literature  one  can  find  many  contradictory  statements.  The  following 
quotation  is  illustrative  of  the  speculative  writing  frequently  found: 

"Country  children,  contrary  to  popular  belief,  do  not  play  as  great  a 
variety  of  games  as  children  in  towns  or  cities  wliere  there  are  playgrounds. 
They  are  handicapped  particularly  in  respect  to  facilities  for  gymnastic 
activities,  so  that  the  city  child  who  is  within  reach  of  a  well-conducted 
playground  is  better  off,  even  with  all  the  disadvantages  of  city  life,  than 
the  country  child  for  whom  no  provision  has  been  made,"  ^ 

O'Shea  offers  no  evidence  in  support  of  the  above  assertion  other 
than  the  following  paragraph  which  seems  to  indicate  that  his  opinion 
is  the  outcome  of  what  may  be  termed  an  invoice  of  the  observable 
facilities  for  play: 

"The  country  school  building  is  often  located  on  a  small  plot  of  ground 
which  does  not  afford  sufficient  space  for  the  games  and  plays  which  children 
like  and  in  which  they  should  indulge.  The  farmers  protest  if  the  pupils  make 
use  of  the  fields  adjoining  the  school  grounds  for  any  of  their  games.  In 
some  rural  districts  the  teacher  is  under  constant  criticism  because  her 
pupils  overrun  the  property  adjoining  the  school,  when  they  do  not  have  room 
to  play  their  games  on  the  school  grounds.  Some  important  surveys  of 
country  life  recently  have  been  completed  and  they  show  that,  except  in 
rare  instances,  no  one  has  devoted  time  or  thought  to  providing  facilities 
for  plays  and  games  for  children  in  the  country."  ^ 

Charters  too  has  asserted  that  country  children  are  lacking  in 
opportunity  to  play. 

*  The  graphs  presented  in  this  chapter  appeared  in  The  Pedagogical  Seminary,  Sep- 
tember, 1926. 

108 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN  109 

"Country  children  even  more  than  city  children  need  to  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  play.  The  city  children  frequently  do  not  have  the  space,  but  the 
country  children  do  not  live  close  enough  together  to  congregate  in  groups 
sufficiently  large  to  play  and  very  often  the  variety  of  games  that  they  can 
play  is  very  narrow."  ^ 

Charters'  statement  also  is  based  probably  upon  observation.  Such 
a  qualitative  statement  as  "the  variety  of  games  is  very  narrow"  leaves 
much  to  be  desired  in  the  way  of  specific  description  of  the  activities 
country  children  actually  engage  in. 

It  is  clear  that  objective  data  are  needed.  The  series  of  investiga- 
tions herein  described  reveal  that  play  is  a  function  of  numerous 
variables.  A  survey  of  play  behavior  should  therefore  include  much 
more  than  an  invoice  of  observable  material  facilities  that  might  at 
first  thought  appear  to  be  the  necessary  prerequisites  of  play. 

The  rural  children  studied  were  pupils  in  one-teacher  rural  schools. 
No  data  were  tabulated  except  those  received  from  rural  schools  hav- 
ing enrollments, of  less  than  25  pupils,  the  intention  being  to  investigate 
the  play  behavior  of  children  living  in  gemdnely  rural  environments. 
Table  I  (p.  42  of  Chap.  4)  shows  the  number  of  rural  pupils  included 
in  the  study.  Tables  XXVIII  to  XXXI  show  some  of  the  findings.  It 
will  be  noticed  at  once  that  the  games  and  other  play  activities  of  the 
rural  children  differ  in  certain  respects  from  those  of  the  children 
living  in  towns  and  villages. 

SIGNIFICANT  DIFFERENCES  IN  REFERENCE  TO  SPECIFIC 

ACTIVITIES 

Figure  9  shows  the  extent  to  which  the  town  and  the  country 
children  attended  moving-picture  shows  during  the  course  of  a  single 
week.  The  results  displayed  have  been  verified  in  two  ways:  (a)  By 
repetition  of  the  first  investigation,  (b)  By  partitioning  the  data 
derived  from  a  single  investigation. 

It  is  apparent  in  Figure  9  that  the  rural  children  attended  the 
moving-picture  show  much  less  frequently  than  the  town  children. 
It  was  found  likewise  that  rural  children  attended  church  and  Sunday 
school  much  less  frequently  than  town  children. 

Figure  10  shows  the  relative  frequency  with  which  town  and  coun- 
try boys  went  hunting  during  the  week.  The  findings  for  "Shooting  a 
gun,"  are  almost  identical  with  those  for  "Going  hunting." 


110  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

10(^ 


80 


40 


20 


/      .  •• 


.•-*^...       y 
•^•-x-.. 


Age3-8i-       94-     lOi     111     12i-     13^     K^-     16J- 


Town  B 

Town  G 

Country  B. 

Per 

43         55 

51         48 

7         14 

Cents 
68 
53 
15 
17 

63 
57 
13 
IS 

71 
60 
22 
13 

68 
62 
26 
26 

66 
63 
22 
23 

70 
64 

Country  G.    . 

13         10 

73 

Town  boys 

Town  girls 

Country  boys  — 
Country  girls  -  - 

Figure  9 
Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  went  to  the  movies. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN 


111 


Ages—   8^        9i-     lOi-     Hi     12i     13i     14|-     15 


Per  Cents 

Town  B 23         24         26         27         24        22        30         28 

Rural  B 35        40        46         S3         61         76         69        8S 

Town  boys 

Rural  boys 


Figure  10 
Percentages  of  town  and  country  boys  who  went  hunting  during  the  course  of  a  week. 


112 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


TABLE  XXVIII 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly 

Engaged  in  by  the  Country  Boys. 

Age 

Activity  8  9  10  11  12  13  14  IS 

Riding  in  an  automobile 4  3  6  4  1  1  1  1 

Throwing  rocks  or  stones 8  4  2  2  5  7  8  2 

Reading  books   1  3  4  7  11  12  13  9 

Just  running  and  romping  2  1  1  3  3  9  10  9 

WhistUng     3  2  2  1  S  3  7  6 

Looking  at  the  Sundav  "funny"  paper   6  4  13  S  2  6  S  5 

Just  playing  catch    5  5  12  10  12  12  11  10 

Reading  the  newspapers    25  21  11  6  3  7  3  3 

Horseback    riding    12  6  14  4  8  2  6  S 

Teasing    somebody    11  9  7  9  6  10  2  S 

Drawing  v/ith  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon. . .  7  8  S  6  10  12  18  17 

Playing  with  pet  dogs   10  5  3  5  4  5  9  7 

Reading  short  stories   10  12  11  13  8  11  12  7 

Listening  to  stories   9  10  23  18  20  18  14  18 

Shooting  a  gun    28  31  20  19  8  10  4 

Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun   . .  12  7  7  7  7  4  10  11 

Chewing  gum   12  8  17  15  10  6  7  8 

Running   races    11  U  12  14  15  14  19  16 

Looking  at  pictures    13  9  8  8  14  15  17  12 

Just   singing    13  13  10  12  9  13  13  13 

Cutting  paper  things  with  scissors 9  17  IS  19  23  21  25  22 

Climbing  porches,  trees,  fences,  posts,  etc 12  10  6  11  8  10  13  19 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings   20  22  15  13  10  14  9  10 

Hunting     27  18  24  17  12  3  S  6 

Wrestling     22  16  16  18  13  IS  IS  ,  11 

TABLE  XXIX 

Rank  in  Frequency  or  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly 
Engaged  in  by  the  Country  Girls. 

Age 

Activity  8  9  10  11  12  13  14  IS 

Just   singing    ' 2  2  6  3  3  2  4  1 

Reading  short  stories   2  3  5         3  4  3  4  S 

Reading    books    1  3  4         8  8  10  12  8 

Just  running  and  romping   3  1  1         4  10  10  9  12 

Black  man    3  15  17  20  21  17  14  12 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper   2  2  3         2  5  6  5  11 

Listening  to  stories   4  5  15  15  12  15  11  11 

Playing  the  piano  for  fun  12  20  11  13  10  13  14  14 

Riding  in  an  automobile   8  7  2         1  1  1  2  1 

Looking   at    pictures    7  8  7         5  6  6  7  6 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon..  363         726  10  3 

Swinging    6  7  17  13  -20  20  21  12 

Playing    school     5  14  IS  20  21  17  15  12 

Hop,   skip,  and   jump    6  6  13  22  25  33  31  12 

Playing    teeter-totter    10  7  19  21  34  

Cutting  paper  things  with  scissors 6  9  6        8  9  16  14  12 

Teasing   somebody    17  8  6         7  6  3  8  4 

Playing  with  pet  dogs  10  4  S  13  S  7  12  10 

Playing  with  pet  kittens   J 1  11  6        9  14  IS  18  7 

Whistling     13  6  9  11  7  8  7  8 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company    14  19  14  14  10  S  8  3 

Chewing   gum    10  S  9  10  7  6  6  4 

Reading  the  newspapers   20  6  6         2  1  1  1  2 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  savings 2  3  12         6  9  4  6  2 

Telling   or   guessing   riddles    23  18  17  16  17  IS  13  9 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 12  10  8  24  

Listening  to  the  Victrola    17  12  21  17  16  19  20  6 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN 


113 


TABLE  XXX 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best 
BY  THE  Country  Boys. 


Activity- 
Baseball  with  a  hard  ball  

Hunting     

Horsebarck    riding     

Football   

Basket  ball    

Just  playing  catch    

Driving  an  automobile    

Shooting  a  gun   

Riding  in  an  automobile   

Riding  a  bicycle    

Ball  with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball 

Reading    books    

Wresthng     

Playing  with  pet  dogs   

Running  races    

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 
Black  man    


10 
1 
S 
3 
2 
7 
4 
8 
9 
6 
Q 
9 


10 

"l 
9 


Age 
11 
2 

4 
1 

3 
S 
8 
S 
7 
7 
6 
9 
8 
7 

10 

7 


12 
3 
2 
1 
6 
4 
8 
9 
7 
8 
5 

10 


13 

4 
1 

3 
6 

5 
7 
2 
4 


10 


14 
2 
1 

3 

7 
4 
8 
2 
5 

6 

7 


IS 

4 
1 

S 
2 
4 


TABLE  XXXI 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best 
BY  THE  Country  Girls. 


Activity 

Horseback   riding    

Riding  in  an  automobile    

Swinging    

Reading  books   

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 

Driving  an  automobile    

Basket    ball    

Playing  the  piano  for  fun   

Social  dancing    

Playing   house    .• 

Playing   teeter-totter    

Just  playing  catch    

Playing  with  pet  kittens   

Playing  with  pet  dogs   

Anty  over 

Black   man    

Going  to  the  "movies"  

Going  to  parties  or  picnics   

Visiting  or  entertaining  company   

Ball  with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball  . . . 

Teasing  somebody   

Having  "dates"    

Gathering    flowers     

Just   singing    

Going  to  entertainments,  concerts,  etc 

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun. 


10 
1 

3 

"7 

2 
4 

6 

5 


Age 
11       12 


13 
1 

2 
8 
4 
4 


3 

4 

9 

10 

7 


14 
1 
3 

4 

7 

3 
7 
2 
6 


IS 
4 
1 


114  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

100^ 


Ages—     8i       91     lOj     Hi     12i     13i     14*     15| 


Per  Cents 


Town  B 30 

Rural  B 2 

Town  G 11 

Rural  G 3 

Town  boys 
Rural  boys  ■ 
Town  girls  - 
Rural  girls 


35 
S 

14 
4 


47 


13 


S3 

10 

17 

6 


59 
15 
16 

4 


55 
19 
14 


58 

12 

10 

4 


SO 

25 

8 

8 


Figure  11 

Percentages  of   town  and    country    children   who    rode    bicycles    during   the    course   of 

one  week. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN 


115 


100% 


80    - 


60    ' 


40    ' 


20    " 


Ages—   8^       9i     lOi     11^     IZi     l^i     141-     16|- 

Per  Cents 

Country    B 46  48  55  67  58  64  60  66 

Country  G 34  41  46  37  35  39  40  31 

Town  B 17  21  27  26  20  20  18  13 

Town  G 11  8  7  6  5  5  6  S 

Country  boys 

Country  girls  ----------- 

Town  boys 

Town  girls 

Figure  12 

Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  rode  horseback   during  the   course   of 

one  week. 


116  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


80    - 


60    - 


40     - 


20     - 


Per  Cents 

48    63 

64 

65 

66 

53 

42 

53    S3 

46 

48 

35 

28 

18 

38    34 

35 

29 

28 

24 

12 

18    20 

15 

11 

9 

5 

S 

Ages—   8^       9i-     lOi     Hi     12i     13^     14i     16^ 


Country    B 49 

Town  B 53 

Country    G 30 

Town  G 16 

Country  boys  — • 

Country  girls    ------------ 

Town  boys  

Town  girls 

Figure  13 

Percentages  of  town    and   country    children   who    climbed   porches,   trees,   fences,    etc. 
during  the  course  of  one  week. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN  117 

Figure  11  shows  that  "Bicycle  riding,"  was  much  more  frequently 
engaged  in  by  town  boys  than  by  country  boys.  The  country  boys, 
on  the  other  hand,  engaged  more  often  in  "Horseback  riding."  Figure 
11  sets  forth  the  findings  for  "Bicycle  riding,"  and  Figure  12  gives  the 
findings  for  "Horseback  riding."  It  may  be  seen  from  Figure  12,  that 
although  the  boys  rode  horseback  more  often  than  the  girls  living  in 
the  same  environment,  country  girls  engaged  in  this  activity  more 
frequently  than  city  boys. 

It  may  be  inferred  that  the  preceding  data  prove  rather  conclu- 
sively that  play  behavior  is  a  function  of  environment.  The  data 
presented  seem  to  show  that  participation  in  certain  activities  is  a 
matter  of  the  accessibility  of  the  facilities  requisite  for  participation 
therein.  There  are,  however,  numerous  differences  in  the  recreational 
activities  of  town  and  country  children  that  are  not  to  be  accounted 
for  on  this  basis. 

Figure  13  shows  that  the  country  children  climbed  "Porches,  trees, 
fences,  posts,  etc.,"  more  commonly  than  the  town  children.  It  cannot 
be  maintained  that  porches,  trees,  etc.,  are  inaccessible  to  the  town 
children  included  in  the  present  series  of  studies. 

Boys  participated  more  frequently  than  girls  of  the  same  environ- 
ment in  this  activity.  But  it  is  significant  and  interesting  that  country 
girls  took  part  in  this  form  of  play  behavior  almost  twice  as  fre- 
quently as  the  town  boys  of  corresponding  chronological  ages. 

Figure  14  shows  that  the  country  childen  played  "Blackman,"  much 
more  frequently  than  the  town  children.  This  difference  is  especially 
marked  at  ages  14^^  to  IS^A.  Figures  14,  15  and  16  illustrate  typical 
activities  in  which  country  children  participated  more  often  than  town 
or  city  children.  Few  of  the  town  children  of  ages  14^  to  15^ 
played  "Blackman,"  "Anty-over,"  "Teeter-totter,"  etc.,  yet  a  con- 
siderable number  of  country  children  engaged  in  these  activities. 
Only  four  or  five  per  cent  of  the  town  boys  of  ages  14^  to  15>^ 
participated  in  playing  "Anty-over,"  while  over  25  per  cent  of  country 
children  of  these  ages  were  found  to  have  engaged  therein.  The  data 
for  girls  of  the  two  groups  reveal  similar  differences  in  this  regard. 


118 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


XOO^ 


80 


60 


40 


20 


%  * 


\ 


Ages— 8i       9k     lOi     Hi-     12i  IS*     14^     15^ 

Per  Cents 

Town  B.        33    21    20     16     10      5      1      3 

Rural  B.        40    44    45    43    42    45  32    40 

Town  G.        26     16     13     11     10      6  2      3 

Rural   G.        53     46     56    43     34    38  41     37 


Town  boys  - 
Country  boys 
Town  girls  — 
Country  girls 


Figure  14 


Percentages  of   town  and   of   country   children  who   were   found   to   play   blackman   as 

frequently  as  once  per  week. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN 


119 


Ages-8i       9i     lot     llfr     12i     13i     14^     15^ 


Per  Cents 


37 
41 

24 
13 


40 
47 
16 


40 

37 

12 

9 


34 

34 

13 

9 


26  24  28 

34  26  19 

9  5  3 

8  7  2 


Country   B 34 

Country   G 33 

Town  B 22 

Town  G 13 

Country  boys 

Country  girls  ---------- 

Town  boys 

Town  girls 

Figure  IS 

Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  played  anty-over  during  the 

course  of  one  week. 


120  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


Ag.es Si       Bi     lOi     Hi     12i     13i     14i     164 


Per  Cents 


Town  B 37 

Rural  B 38 

Town  G 39 

Rural  G 47 

Town    boys 
Rural  boys 
Town  girls 
Rural  girls 


26 
33 
32 
53 


21 

43 
26 
49 


11 

33 
IS 
47 


10 
30 
13 
30 


6  1  1 

28  21  IS 

4  4  2 

27  32  27 


Figure  16 
Percentages  of  town  and  countr^^  rhiMren  v'-o  nhyed  teeter-totter. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN  121 

MEDIAN  NUMBER  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES  ENGAGED  IN 

Figure  17  shows  the  median  number^  of  play  activities  engaged  in 
by  town  boys  as  compared  with  country  boys.  Figure  18  presents 
similar  data  for  town  and  country  girls.  Country  boys  of  ages  8^ 
to  lOyi  inclusive,  engaged  in  fewer  activities  than  the  town  boys  of 
the  same  ages.  Country  boys  older  than  10^  were  found  to  engage 
in  a  larger  number  of  activities  than  the  town  and  city  boys  of  corre- 
sponding ages.  The  curv^es  for  the  girls  are  similar;  the  difference, 
however,  is  less  marked  at  the  younger  ages. 

Each  of  the  three  investigations  of  town  children  yielded  curves 
similar  to  those  presented  in  Figs.  17  and  18  for  city  children.  A 
subsequent  investigation  of  rural  children  yielded  data  which  corrob- 
orate those  presented  in  Figures  9  and  10. 

Figures  17  and  18  show  that  the  country  children  of  ages  11^ 
and  above  engage  in  a  larger  number  of  activities  than  town  children 
of  corresponding  chronological  ages.  These  findings  are  opposed  to 
the  opinions  expressed  by  O'Shea  and  Charters  in  this  regard. 

The  fact  that  rural  children  beyond  the  age  of  11^^  participated 
in  a  larger  number  of  play  activities  than  city  children  of  corresponding 
ages  may  be  accounted  for  in  the  following  manner: 

Younger  rural  children  are  less  able  than  town  children  (or  older 
rural  children)  to  go  far  from  their  homes.  Hence,  the  younger 
rural  children  probably  have  less  opportunity  to  participate  in  group 
plays  and  games.  Older  rural  children,  however,  were  found  to  par- 
ticipate in  a  greater  variety  of  recreational  activities  than  the  town 
children  of  the  same  chronological  ages.  This  condition  may  be  ex- 
plained on  the  basis  that  individual  and  group  specialization  in  play  are 
possible  to  a  greater  extent  for  city  children.  There  is  obviously 
greater  opportunity  for  individual  preferences  in  play  activities  to  be 
gratified  in  the  city  than  in  the  country.  Specialization  and  indi- 
vidualization undoubtedly  result  in  narrowing  the  range  of  activities 
in  which  a  particular  group  takes  part.  It  is  likely  further  that 
country  children  have  less  opportunity  to  congregate  in  relatively 
homogeneous  age  groups.  Thus,  it  may  be  that  the  play  activities  of 
the  rural  group  are  chosen  in  accord  with  the  wishes  and  needs  of 
the  average  person  in  the  group.     Certainly  if  rural  children  are  to 


122  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Med.  No.of 
Activities 


60 

40 

=- , 

C""--^-.. 

30 

\--- 

20 

' 

10 

Ages—   8i        9i     lOi     11^     12i     IZi     14i     15^ 


Medians 


Town  B.   ... 
Rural  B.    ... 

40 

26 

39 
29 

40 
33 

32 
35 

32 
34 

25 
32 

25 
28 

22 
30 

Rural  boys 
Town  boys  - 

Figure  17 
Median  number  of  play  activities  engaged  in  by  town  versus  rural  boys. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN 


123 


Med  No.   of 

Activit  ies 

50 


Ages-Si        9i     lOi     Hi     12i     13j-     14^     15i 


Medians 


Town  G 37 

Rural  B 31 

37         36        32         29         24         24         21 
36        42         37         35         32        32        30 

•                        Rural  girls  - 
Town  girls  — 

Figure  18 

dian  number  of  different  play  activities  engaged  in  by  town  versus  country  girls 

124  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

engage  in  group  plays  or  games  to  any  extent,  the  range  of  chronological 
age  within  the  group  must  be  great.  The  following  quotation  is  illus- 
trative of  a  situation  that  probably  exists  in  most  rural  communities: 

"We  have  2,300  rural  schools  in  Missouri  with  less  than  fifteen  children 
to  the  school.    There  are  not  enough  children  for  the  ordinary  team  games. 

"This  is  not  the  worst  of  the  situation.  There  are  children  of  all  ages 
from  six  to  sixteen  or  seventeen.  There  are  few  games  or  athletics  that  chil- 
dren of  such  different  ages  can  do  together.  The  older  ones  are  fewer  in 
number  than  the  younger  children."  * 

A  group  of  rural  children  of  ages  8  to  14  might  engage,  therefore, 
in  the  activities  i^i  which  children  of  11  generally  engage.  This  would 
explain  the  relatively  high  frequency  of  such  games  as  "Anty-over," 
"Teeter-totter,"  etc.,  among  older  rural  children.  Since  maturity 
ordinarily  posits  narrowing  of  the  range  of  play  behavior,  this  explana- 
tion would  account  likewise  for  the  fact  that  rural  children  of  ages 
113^  and  above  participate  in  a  larger  number  of  play  activities  than 
town  children  of  corresponding  ages. 

Another  possible  explanation  of  the  types  of  activities  participated 
in  by  the  older  country  children,  and  the  relatively  large  number  of 
activities  participated  in,  may  be  found  in  the  differences  in  the  mental 
age  ratings  of  the  two  groups  of  children.  Numerous  investigations 
have  yielded  data  which  show  that  rural  children  are  somewhat  below 
city  children  in  mental  age.  The  relatively  lower  mental  age  of  the 
rural  child  may  cause  him  to  turn  to  play  activities  that  are  less  mature 
in  nature  than  his  chronological  age  would  posit  but  which  correspond 
to  his  mental  age. 

.  It  is  equally  plausible  to  assume  that  the  lower  mental  age  ratings 
of  the  rural  children  are  not  a  causal  factor  but  a  result  of  the  situation 
revealed  by  the  above  data.  In  administering  mental  tests  it  is  assumed 
that  the  individuals  tested  have  similar  environmental  backgrounds, 
equal  opportunities  for  acquiring  information,  etc.  When  these 
assumptions  are  invalid  it  follows  that  the  mental  age  ratings  are 
invalid  also.  It  is  evident  from  the  above  data  that  the  rural  and  the 
city  children  do  not  have  the  same  social  contacts.  The  younger  rural 
children  have  relatively  few  opportunities  to  mingle  with  other  chil- 
dren of  like  ages  and  the  older  rural  children  have  little  opportunity 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN  125 

to  congregate  in  relatively  homogeneous  age  groups.  It  is  difficult  to 
equate  ability  to  learn  and  opportunity  to  learn.  One  can  only  specu- 
late, therefore,  in  reference  to  how  much  less  stimulating  a  given  en- 
vironment may  be.  Certain  it  is  that  the  environments  of  the  town  and 
the  country  children  are  quite  different  and  this  environmental  differ- 
ence may  have  an  influence  upon  the  mental  age  ratings  of  the  two 
groups  of  children. 

The  writers  are  offering  these  hypotheses  not  dogmatically  but 
simply  as  interesting  speculations. 

THE  SINGING  AND  WHISTLING  OF  TOWN  AND 
COUNTRY  CHILDREN 

Figure  19  shows  the  percentages  of  town  boys  and  town  girls  who 
indicated  that  they  had  engaged  in  activity  No.  165,  "Just  singing" 
during  the  course  of  the  week  preceding  a  given  investigation.  It 
will  be  noted  that  Figure  19  presents  the  findings  for  three  separate 
investigations  and  that  the  results  of  all  investigations  are  strikingly 
similar.  Singing  is  apparently  an  activity  little  affected  by  the  seasons. 
There  is,  however,  a  conspicuous  sex  difference  as  regards  the  extent 
to  which  town  children  engaged  in  this  activity.  The  girls  engaged 
in  singing  more  frequently  than  the  boys  at  each,  season  of  the  year. 
It  is  to  be  noted  further  that  there  was  a  consistent  decrease  in  the 
incidence  of  singing  with  increased  chronological  age.  The  decrease, 
however,  is  more  rapid  for  the  boys  than  for  the  girls. 

Figure  20  shows  the  percentages  of  town  boys  and  town  girls  who 
indicated  that  they  had  engaged  in  activity  No.  107,  "Whisthng." 
It  is  noticeable  again  that  the  seasonal  results  are  similar.  Whistling 
does  not  seem  to  be  a  seasonal  activity.  The  boys  engaged  in  whistling 
more  commonly  than  the  girls  during  each  season  of  the  year. 

Figure  2 1  shows  the  percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who 
engaged  in  whistling.  Figure  2 1  shows  that  the  boys  of  each  environ- 
ment whistle  more  frequently  than  the  girls  of  the  same  environ- 
ment and  that  the  country  children  whistle  more  commonly  than  the 
town  children.  Between  ages  12^  to  15^^  inclusive  more  than 
twice  as  many  rural  girls  as  town  girls  engage  in  this  activity.  Older 
rural  girls  whistle  more  frequently  than  town  boys  of  the  same  ages! 

In  Figure  2 1  the  curves  for  the  town  children  were  made  after  aver- 


126  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

100^1 


80 


60 


40 


20 


J. 


.x. 


Ages-Sj-        94:     10^     ll^-     12^     13^     14i     15^ 

Singing 
Per   Cents    (Boys) 

Nov 59         54         43         40         28         23         20         23 

Feb 52         53         42         30         28         27         25         22 

Apr 46         53         51         40        30         21         20        23 

Per  Cents  (Girls) 

Nov 62         73  68         63  65  57  53  49 

Feb 69         75  72         67  68  57  61  52 

Apr 71         64  70         70  67  57  61  53 

Town  boys  Town  girls 

Nov. —  -  —  -  —  -  —  -  — 

Feb. -    —    -    

Apr. ...__-._-._-_ 

Figure  19 

Percentages   of   town   children   who   indicated  that   they   had   engaged   in   singing 

during  the   course  of  a  week. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN 


127 


100% 


80 


60 


40 


20 


Ages-   8*       9i     lOi     Hi     12fe     13*     14*     15* 


Nov. 
Feb. 
Apr. 

Nov. 
Feb. 
Apr. 


Nov. 
Feb. 
Apr. 


Town  boys 


Per  Cents  (Boys) 

80  63  65   66  51  47  46  46 

65  67  67        62  59  51  52  41 

56  65  69   59  51  46  48  42 

Per  Cents  (Girls) 

32  34  ZZ        30  31  29  28  25 

32  35  32   31  35  25  29  22 

21  29  35   26  28  22  23  26 

Town  girls 


Figure  20 
Percentages  of  town  children  who  engaged  in  whistling  during  the  course   of  a  week. 


128 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


lOC^' 


Ages— 8i        9i     10^     Hi     l£i     13i-     14^     15j 


City  B 80 

City  G 2>2 

Rural  B 60 

Rural  G 47 


Per  Cents 
62        65        66 
34        22,        30 


64 

54 


72 
61 


78 

56 


51 
31 

71 

59 


47 
29 

74 
64 


46 
28 

67 

54 


46 
25 

70 

52 


Country  boys 
Country  girls 
City    boys    — 
City  girls 


Figure  21 

Percentages   of   town    and   country   children   who   indicated    that   they   had   engaged   in 

whistling  during  the  course  of  a  week. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN  129 

aging  the  results  obtained  from  the  three  separate  town  investigations 
and  the  curves  for  the  country  children  were  made  after  averaging 
the  results  obtained  from  the  two  separate  rural  investigations.  The 
repetition  of  the  investigations  prevented  obtaining  unreliable  data 
due  to  unusual  conditions  which  might  attend  a  single  investigation. 
The  fact  that  similar  curves  were  obtained  when  the  data  were  par- 
titioned tends  to  validate  the  findings. 

Figure  22  shows  that  the  girls  of  a  given  environment  sing  more 
often  than  the  boys  of  the  same  environment  and  that  country  children 
sing  more  than  town  children.  Between  ages  13)4  to  15^  inclusive 
more  than  twice  as  many  rural  boys  as  town  boys  engaged  in  singing. 
At  these  age  levels  country  boys  sang  as  often  as  town  girls. 

The  preceding  figures  are  indicative  of  the  extent  to  which  town 
life  tends  to  suppress  two  very  natural  modes  of  self-expression.  They 
probably  reveal  differences  in  the  amount  of  social  pressure  brought 
to  bear  upon  children  reared  in  town  as  compared  to  children  reared 
in  the  country.  For  obvious  reasons,  singing  and  whistling  are  dis- 
couraged among  town  children.  Where  many  persons  are  working 
together  not  even  humming  is  permissible. 

Judd  has  recently  discussed  the  extent  to  which  the  individual  is 
a  product  of  social  forces  and  has  voiced  his  protest  against  attempts 
to  formulate  the  plans  of  the  school  on  a  psychology  of  the  individual. 

"In  arguing  for  the  recognition  of  the  psychology  of  social  institutions, 
it  is  by  no  means  denied  that  there  is  a  psychology  of  individual  mental  life. 
What  is  said  is  that  individual  psychology  should  be  studied  as  a  part  of  the 
more  inclusive  science  of  the  psychology  of  mankind.  It  is  not  denied  for 
a  moment  that  the  individual  has  eyes  and  ears  and  hands.  It  is  pointed  out, 
however,  that  the  things  at  which  children  look,  the  sounds  to  which  they 
listen,  and  the  object  which  they  handle  are  determined  not  by  individual 
impulse  but  primarily  by  the  demands  of  the  social  group  in  the  midst  of 
which  the  individual  moves  and  has  his  social  contacts."  ^ 

This  is  not  the  first  time  that  the  suppressive  effect  of  environment 
has  been  noted.  Jesperson  states  that  singing  is  found  wherever  the 
indoor  life  of  civilization  has  not  killed  all  open-air  hilarity.  The 
following  quotation  is  credited  to  the  Swedish  peasant,  Jonas  Stolt: 

"I  have  known  a  time  when  young  people  were  singing  from  morning  till 


130  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

loafc' 


Ages—   di       9i-     10^     Hi     12i     13^     144-     154 


Per  Cents 


Country  G 63  69 

Country    B 46  45 

City    G 62  73 

City  B 59  ,54 

Country  girls  - 

City  girls 

Country  boys  — 
City    boys    


76 
57 
68 
43 


77 
59 
63 
4Cf 


76 
51 
65 

2» 


82 
54 
57 
23 


75 
53 
48 
20 


81 
49 
44 
23 


Figure  22 

Percentages  of  town  and  country  children  who  indicated  that   they  had  engaged 

in  "Just  singing"  during  the  course  of  one  week. 


TOWN  AND  COUNTRY  CHILDREN  131 

eve.  Then  they  were  caroling  both  out-  and  indoors,  behind  the  plough  as 
well  as  at  the  threshing-floor  and  at  the  spinning-wheel.  This  is  all  over 
long  ago;  nowadays  there  is  silence  everywhere;  if  someone  were  to  try 
and  sing  in  our  days  as  we  did  of  old,  people  would  term  it  bawling."  ® 

SUMMARY 

Rural  boys  of  ages  8^  to  10 J^  inclusive  were  found  to  engage  in 
fewer  activities  than  town  boys  of  the  same  ages.  Rural  boys  older 
than  10>4  in  chronological  age  were  found  to  engage  in  a  larger  num- 
ber of  play  activities  than  town  boys  of  corresponding  ages. 

Older  country  children  were  found  to  be  less  mature  than  city 
children  in  their  play  interests.  Particularly  noticeable  was  this  fact 
when  group  games  were  considered.  It  seems  likely  that  country 
life  affords  little  opportunity  for  play  in  homogeneous  age  groups. 
Therefore,  play  activities  must  be  chosen  in  terms  of  the  average  age 
of  the  children  in  the  group.  This  would  militate  against  choice 
of  more  mature  plays  and  games. 

City  life  probably  operates  to  suppress  certain  natural  modes  of 
self-expression  (notably  whistling  and  singing).  Rural  life  permits 
freer  expression  to  certain  natural  modes  of  behavior.  Such  individual 
activities  as  whistling  and  singing  are  examples  thereof.  However, 
rural  life  affords  less  opportunity  for  participation  in  certain  organized 
mature  group  activities. 

Play  behavior  is  conditioned  by  many  variables.  One  of  these  is 
environment.  The  play  of  country  and  city  children  shows  con- 
spicuous differences  directly  traceable  to  environmental  opportunity. 
A  survey  of  play  behavior  must  include  therefore  more  than  an  invoice 
of  play  equipment  or  observable  facilities. 


REFERENCES 

1.  O'Shea,  M.  V.     (Editor).    The  Child;  His  Nature  and  His  Needs.    Valparaiso,  In- 
diana.    The  Children's  Foundation.     1924.     Pp.  ix-Sl6.     (p.  439.) 

2.  O'Shea,  M.  V.    op.  cit.     (p.  438  f.) 

3.  Charters,   W.    W.      Teaching   the    Common   Branches.     New   York.      Houghton 
Mifflin  Co.     1924.     Pp.  viii-411.     (p.  359.) 

4.  Curtis,  Henry  S.     "Physical  Education  .  .  .  Rural  and  City  Aspects."     The  Play- 
ground.   May,  1925,  19,  p.  106. 

5.  Judd,   C.   H.     "Types   of   Learning."     Elementary    School  Journal.     November, 
1924.     25,  p.  183. 

6.  Jesperson,  Otto.     Language;  Its  Nature,  Development,  and  Origin.'   New  York. 
Henry  Holt  and  Company.     1923.     448  pp.     (p.  435.) 


CHAPTER  IX 

RACE    DIFFERENCES    IN    PLAY    BEHAVIOR    (NEGRO 
AND  WHITE  CHILDREN) 

Numerous  investigations  have  yielded  results  which  show  rather 
conclusively  that  Negro  children  do  less  well  than  white  children  in 
tasks  which  involve  abstract  intelligence/  Peterson  has  suggested  that 
certain  traits  worthy  of  note  may  be  stronger  in  Negro  than  in  white 
children.  Peterson  mentions  specifically  "freedom  from  tension"  and 
"ease  of  bearing  in  social  situations." 

"In  a  positive  way,  the  Negro  probably  has  certain  traits  worthy  of  note 
which  are  stronger  than -those  in  the  white  man.  These  have  unfortunately 
not  received  as  much  attention  as  the  deficiencies.  It  is  probable  that  the 
Negro  has  greater  freedom  from  tension  and  from  concern  about  remote 
conditions  with  an  ease  of  bearing  in  social  situations  that  is  due  to  some- 
thing more  than  a  lack  of  realization  of  remote  relations."  - 

Lack  of  an  adequate  technique  heretofore  has  militated  against 
objective  measurement  of  the  traits  mentioned  by  Peterson.  Too, 
there  has  been  much  speculation  and  little  objective  measurement  of 
racial  differences  in  other  traits  of  character.  Pintner  cautiously  re- 
frains from  speculating  about  racial  differences  in  social  or  emotional 
traits. 

"While  we  cannot  conclude  dogmatically  that  there  are  no  qualitative 
differences  between  the  two  races,  we  may  at  least  say  that  any  marked 
qualitative  difference  in  intelligence,  as  measured  by  the  tests  under  consid- 
eration, does  not  seem  to  exist.  In  saying  this  we  must  remember  that  we 
are  restricting  ourselves  entirely  to  the  type  of  intelligence  which  is  largely 
verbal  or  abstract;  that  is  the  sort  of  thing  which  is  tested  most  effectively 
by  the  Binet  and  customary  group  tests.  Mechanical  intelligence  has  been 
much  less  effectively  measured  and  social  intelligence  practically  not  at  all. 
Furthermore  we  must  remember  that  we  have  not  raised  the  question  as  to 

132 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  133 

emotional  and  moral  differences  between  the  two  races.  Popular  opinion 
assumes  large  differences  in  these  traits.  There  are  no  scientific  measures 
of  these  as  yet,  and  speculation  about  possible  differences  in  this  regard  does 
not  belong  in  a  book  devoted  to  intelligence  testing."  ^ 

The  inferiority  of  the  Negro  in  tasks  involving  abstract  intelligence 
has  been  demonstrated  by  various  workers  in  quantitative  psychology. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  tests  used  in  most  cases  have  been 
the  group  or  individual  intelligence  examinations  in  which  reading  or 
language  mastery  play  an  important  part.  There  is  some  evidence 
that  Negro  children  also  fall  below  the  standing  of  white  children  in 
mental  ability  when  the  test  employed  is  of  the  performance  type  and 
the  language  handicap  is  partially  eliminated. 

The  present  writers  have  obtained  through  the  Lehman  Play  Quiz 
significant  data  regarding  certain  characteristic  traits  of  Negro  and 
white  children. 

In  January,  1926,  the  Quiz  was  given  to  more  than  6,000  children 
of  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  schools.  The  number  of  Negro  children 
included  in  five  investigations  of  play  behavior  is  presented  in  Table 
XXXII.  The  Tulsa  children  included  in  Table  XXXII  were  given 
the  Play  Quiz  by  Mrs.  Thelma  Hill  Anderson,  a  graduate  student  of 
The  School  of  Education  of  the  University  of  Kansas.  Mrs.  Anderson 
administered  the  Play  Quiz  to  Tulsa  pupils  in  procuring  data  for  a 
Master's  thesis.**  Acknowledgment  is  herewith  made  for  the  use  of 
data  obtained  from  the  Tulsa  children. 


TABLE  XXXII 

Number 

OF  Negro  Children  Ini 

CLTJDED 

IN  Four  Investigations 

OF  Play 

Behavior. 

Tulsa, 

Nov. 

1923 

Feb. 

1924 

Apr. 

1924 

Jan. 

1926 

Oklahoma 

Ages 

B 

G 

B 

G 

B 

G 

B 

G 

Both  Sexes 

8^ 

26 

26 

19 

27 

* 

* 

39 

48 

91^ 

28 

28 

33 

27 

29 

26 

75 

90 

* 

IQi^ 

44 

32 

34 

46 

32 

34 

94 

123 

24 

11% 

39 

37 

29 

46 

33 

49 

89 

114 

49 

12/. 

40 

77 

40 

34 

26 

53 

104 

110 

65 

UY2 

35 

60 

48 

46 

51 

63 

80 

91 

87 

141^ 

59 

43 

51 

45 

34 

65 

48 

71 

112 

15% 

47 

70 

49 

56 

51 

65 

40 

34 

109 

16% 

51 

51 

50 

62 

58 

60 

72 

17% 

28 

48 

23 

55: 

35 

53 

25 

-18% 

24 

* 

22 

17 

2.8 

19 

■  * 

*  Insufficient  number  of 

cases  for  computation  of  per 

cents. 

**  See  The  Pedagogical  Seminary,  June, 

1927. 

134 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


PLAY  ACTIVITIES   MOST  COMMONLY   PARTICIPATED  IN  BY 
NEGRO  CHILDREN  AND   BY  WHITE  CHILDREN 

The  play  activities  of  the  Negro  children  were  found  for  the  most 
part  to  be  similar  to  those  of  white  children.  Some  of  the  results  of  the 
investigation  of  January,  1926,  are  given  by  race  in  Tables  XXXIII 
to  XLIV.  The  plays  that  were  most  frequently  participated  in  are 
given  for  the  boys  and  girls  of  the  two  races.  A  form  of  play  is  here 
included  for  a  given  age  only  when  it  was  participated  in  by  at  least 
20  per  cent  of  the  individuals  of  that  age.  Table  XXXIII  is  to  be  read 

TABLE  XXXIII 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly  Engaged 

IN  BY  White  Boys  Eight  to  Seventeen  Years  of  Age.  Jan.  1926, 

Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

A^es 

Activity  8      9     10  11  12°  13  14  15  16  17 

Looting  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 1       1       1  1  1  1  1  1  1  2 

Reading  the  nevi'spapers 10     10       5  2  2  2  1  2  2  1 

Looking  at  daily  comic  strips  *   7     10       4  6  2  S  3  3  3  4 

Reading  books   3       7       3  3  5  4  6  7  9  9 

Reading  or  looking  at  magazines  *   9       411  7  6  6  5  6  4  5 

Going  to  the  "movies" 11       6       2  4  2  3  4  4  4  6 

Chewing   gum    11       S     12  9  10  7  7  8  7  13 

Coasting   on   a   sled    2       2       7  5  7  9  11  13  25  .. 

Riding  in  an  auto   14     30     10  11  9  10  10  5  6  3 

Helping  somebody  vi^ith  his  vi^ork  * 17     11       6  8  12  9  10  11  10  11 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings   14     18     IS  12  8  12  12  10  11  7 

Going  to  Sunday  School  (and  liking  it)  *  . . .  6     15       8  13  15  13  18  14  19  16 

Listening  to  the  Victrola    12     16     20  14  26  26  27  20  18  .. 

Snowball    fights     5       3     12  10  11  11  14  18  21  37 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon..  4     14       9  16  17  20  22  37  38  39 

Reading  other  short  stories    20     17     21  15  16  16  24  17  12  17 

Whistling     18     12     16  20  25  22  19  18  23  23 

Driving  an  auto 25  20  10 

Playing  with  pet  dogs   25     29     16  22  14  18  19  19  16  17 

Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun...  27     23     26  21  20  17  25  27  29  27 

Making    something*    23     19     24  17  13  13  22  27  34  .. 

Looking  at  pictures    7     20     20  27  22  33  36  29  38  23 

Wrestling   28     27     33  25  27  23  28  24  24  25 

Listening  to   the   radio    34     35     30  27  22  18  17  12  13  8 

Just  running  and  romping   14       7     14  20  19  25  46  

Listening  to  stories  18     28     32  37  34  35  41  39  . .  . . 

Boxing    31     39     53  32  40  35  36  42  40  33 

Just  singing    21     25     33  30  36  42  34  44  . .  . . 

Watching  athletic  sports   38     51     77  38  20  23  7  15  14  12 

Doing    calisthenics 22     32     40  53  53  58 

Writing    letters     35     34     42  58  34  39  40  44  33  33 

Going  to  church  or  to  mass*   38     45     61  69  53  49  ..  31  42  22 

Having    "dates"     47  24  37 

Fixing  or  repairing  something   51     67     43  44  55  41  30  30  32  39 

Basket  ball    61     66     45  38  22  15  12  8  8  14 

Attending   the   theater*    69     56     64  18  29  20  IS  16  15  21 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  135 

as  follows:  "Looking  at  the  Sunday  'funny'  paper,"  is  the  one  activity 
in  the  entire  list  of  200  items  that  was  most  generally  engaged  in  by  the 
boys  from  eight  to  sixteen  years  of  age.  "Reading  books"  was  third 
in  frequency  for  the  boys  eight,  ten  and  eleven  years  of  age,  fourth  in 
frequency  for  the  boys  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  still  lower  in  rank 
for  the  boys  from  fourteen  to  seventeen  years  of  age.  A  blank  space 
in  the  table  indicates  that  the  particular  activity  was  engaged  in  by 
less  than  20  per  cent  of  the  pupils  of  the  given  age.  Tables 
XXXVII  to  XLIV  indicate  the  games  and  other  play  activities  which 
were  liked  best  by  the  subjects  and  to  which  the  subjects  thought  they 

TABLE  XXXIV 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly  Engaged 
IN  BY  Negro  Boys  Eight  to  Fieteen  Years  or  Age.    Jan.  1926.    Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

Ages 

Activity  8  9  10  11  12  13  14  15 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 1  1  1  1  l  i  i  i 

Reading  the  nevi^spapers   5  3  5  2  2  3  2  2 

Going  to  the  "movies"    7  14  7  4  3  1  3  3 

Going  to  Sunday  School  (and  hking  it.)*..  3  4  2  3  3  5  S  6 

Reading  or  looking  at  magazines  *   8  8  8  8  5  7  S  4 

Helping  somebody  with  his  work  *   8  5  2  7  8  9  9  8 

Chewing   gum    8  10  9  9  9  8  4  8 

Reading  books   2  2  3  5  6  6  11  12 

Coasting  on  a  sled   25  14  2  6  7  4  5  8 

Boxing    13  21  16  20  11  12  8  12 

Looking  at  pictures    13  18  IS  19  13  18  19  5 

Wrestling   24  29  29  16  9  11  13  5 

Whistling    4  6  14  12  12  13  19  20 

Drawing  with  pen,  pencil,  chalk,  or  crayon..  12  8  9  13  16  27  34  25 

Looking  at  daily  comic  strips*    13  19  18  14  22  16  16  16 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings 29  19  25  20  13  18  11  16 

Listening  to  the  Victrola    18  14  12  22  21  22  13  23 

Playing  with  pet  dogs  23  32  16  30  16  9  22  16 

Writing  letters   25  32  45  33  37  30  16  29 

Making  something  *   32  28  38  22  27  28  24  32 

Reading  other  short  stories   18  7  18  10  18  15  24  36 

Going  to  church  or  to  mass  *   32  26  24  14  23  22  37  28 

Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun 32  26  18  25  19  22  32  16 

Just   running  and  romping    8  12  14  11  27  16  38  32 

Listening   to   stories    18  11  21  16  13  28  16  25 

Snowball  fights    25  22  9  26  20  14  21  41 

Riding  in  an  auto    49  51  31  30  23  21  16  20 

Just  singing    18  24  35  35  37  44  44  29 

Attending  the   theater    104  54  43  50  33  18  8  14 

Basket  ball S3  41  28  23 

Listening  to  the  radio   29  54  34  36  49  36  32  25 

Doing  calisthenics    45  24  21  36  51  46 

Fixing  or  repairing  something  *    86  60  56  50  53  48  40  41 

Watching  athletic  sports   86  . .  62  . .  . .  58  47  29 

Driving  an  auto [  . ' 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 


136 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


had  given  the  most  time.  On  the  whole,  the  activities  liked  best  by 
the  boys  and  girls  of  both  races  tend  to  be  those  most  frequently  en- 
gaged in  and  also  those  to  which  the  greatest  amount  of  time  was 
devoted. 


TABLE  XXXV 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly  Engaged 

IN  BY  White  Girls  Eight  to  Seventeen  Years  of  Age.  Jan.  1926. 

K.ansas  City,  Missouri. 

Ages 

Activity                                      8       9     10  11  12  13     14     IS     16     17 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper   1       1       1  1  1  1       1       1       1       1 

Reading  the  newspapers 16       972222222 

Reading    books    3       2       2  4  3  3       9       9     12     11 

Looking  at  daily  comic  strips  *    5       6       S  9  4  4       S       4       3       5 

Helping  somebody  with  his  work  *   6       4       4  5  6  7       4       9       6       5 

Going  to  Sunday  School  (and  Kking  it)  *   . .       9       7       6  12  6  11     10       6       9       3 

Reading  or  looking  at  magazines  *   10     10       9  3  8  S       6      3       3       9 

Going   to   the   "movies"    16       7       3  5  4  6       3       S       7     16 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon..       2       3       7  9  13  16     23     28     33     31 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 3       4     11  19  23     

Reading  jokes   or  funny   sayings    22     IS     16  7  9  9       8       6       7     10 

Riding  in  an  auto    2Z     19     13  17  13  13     11       9       S       3 

Chewing    gum    14     16     10  8  11  10     11     13     16     18 

Listening   to   the   Victrola    14     17     12  12  13  13     13     16     13     14 

Reading  other  short  stories   7     11     13  16  12  18     16     18     26       5 

Looking  at  pictures   11     13     17  14  20  25     19     29     28     18 

Just  singing    13     17     13  11  10  12     13     IS     27     23 

Writing    letters    12     24     22  21  19  IS     13       8     11       8 

Making    something*     17     22     22  33  26  30     24     23     24     14 

Just  running  and  romping   19     14     19  19  26     48     39     

Playing   house    8     11     18  29  34 

Playing    school    18     36     28  34  . .      . .      

Having  "dates" 32     19     21 

Snowball  fights    30     31     31  27  21  19     27     38     ..      .. 

Listening  to  the  radio    38     32     33  32  30  23     2S     22     16     21 

Listening  to   stories    34     20     26  23  39  38     49     . .      . .     32 

Cutting  paper  things  with  a  scissors    23     29     26  26  44     38     37     

Doing    calisthenics    19     26     32  53  46     45     

Playing  with  pet   dogs    36     41     33  37  30  25     32     34     36     35 

Telling   stories    43     36     39  37  36     38 

Whisthng     44     45     44  46  . .  . .     48     . .      . .     35 

Going  to  church  or  to  mass  *   51     53     54  45  40  36     39     17     11     16 

Teasing   somebody    57     42  40  25  27     18     20     21     18 

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun   ..     49     45     30  24  26  22     21     35     30     26 

Watching   athletic   sports    70     ..      ..  61  48  36     38     21     18     25 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR 


137 


TABLE  XXXVI 

Rank  est  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Most  Commonly  Engaged 

IN  BY  Negro  Girls  Eight  to  Fifteen  Years  of  Age.  Jan.  1926.  Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

Ages 

Activity                                          8         9       10  11       12  13  14  IS 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper  1         1         1  1         1        l  i  i 

Reading  the  newspapers    11         4         2  2         2  2  2  2 

Reading  or  looking  at  magazines   3         3         7  5         4  8  S  3 

Going  to  Sunday  School  (and  liking  it)*..         4        3         S  5         6         2  4  7 

Reading  books  39         2         2  3         3         7  8  5 

Going  to  the  "movies"    31         9       14  8         8         2  3  3 

Helping  somebody  with  his  work  *   10         7         4  75         5  S  5 

Chewing  gum   14         7         6  4         6         6  5  10 

Reading  other  short  stories   17       11       10  10       12  13  17  10 

Listening  to  stories   2         4       11  22       18  21  24  20 

Writing  letters   17       24       21  12       10  10  9  6 

Listening  to  the  Victrola    7       11         9  15       15  12  9  12 

Looking  at  pictures    8       19       20  12       13         9  19  18 

Just  singing 14       IS       14  20       17  16  25  12 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings   40       26       21  9         9  11  11  9 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon..       11       10       18  12       12  17  36  31 

Making  something  * 20       27       26  22       22  22  25  28 

Teasing  somebody  30       29       28  26       IS  13  12  20 

Cutting  paper  things  with   a  scissors    11       IS       19  17       24  29  ..  34 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 6       15         8  IS       25  38 

Playing   house    9       11       14  24       38  41 

Telling    stories    19       15       24  30       20  29  40  20 

Looking  at  daily  cot.uc  strips   23       24       11  11       14  17  15  28 

Having  "dates" 32  25 

Playing    school 4       22       23  20       29  29  38  48 

Just  running  and  romping   14       14       25  29       28  25  ..  48 

Listening  to  the  radio   35       47       33  27       33  28  30  44 

Doing  calisthenics   20       22       29  35       41  43  ..  37 

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun  ...       48       38       29  31       26  20  18  17 

Playing  with  pet  dogs   41       SO       31  2>2>       27  25  25  31 

Going  to  church  or  to  mass  *    SO       28       26  24       19  15  14  12 

Watching  athletic  sports 40 

Riding  in  an  auto    70       61       36  32       31  2>2  22  16 

Whistling • 36       SO       62  46       SO  

Snowball  fights    71       54       42  35       32  45  32  50 

Fixing   or   repairing   something 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 


138  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

TABLE  XXXVII 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other   Play  Activities  Liked  Best  by  White 
Boys  Eight  to  Seventeen  Years  of  Age.    Jan.  1926.    Kansas  City,  Missoitri. 

Ages 
Activity  8       9     10     11     12     13     14     IS     16     17 

Coasting  on  a  sled 1       1       2       1       3      4      6      2       8     12 

Basketball   15     12       9       S       4       3       1       1       1       1 

Going  to   the   "movies"    3       2       1       2       1       1       2      4      4      5 

Swimming     S       4       S       2       2 

Snowball  fights    5     12       4       6       6     12       8     

Boxing    2       3       4       3       8       6      ..      12     11       9 

Reading  books   4     14     11       3224532 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 6       3       3       7       7     15     10       9     . . 

Playing  cowboy   7       6       7     12     

Going  to  Sunday  School  (and  liking  it)  *   .  7       6     12     12      IS     . . 

Wrestling   9       8     12       7     ..       7     ..      ..     12     .. 

Football   10       5     11     11       9     10     ..     10       6     IS 

Driving  an  auto IS     10       5       5       3 

Haxdrtg    "dates"    S      6       7 

Listening  to  the  radio    14     8     13      . .       9 

Ice-skating     14     14       7     11     ..       7     10     10     12 

Watching  athletic  sports 3       8     12     16 

Hunting     10     10     15       7 

Playing  with   pet  dogs    11      ..      ..     12     13     12     ..     16     .. 

Checkers 15     10 

Social  dancing IS       5 

Attending  the  theater IS     12 

Making  or  assembling  a  radio  or  other 

electrical   apparatus 16     14      4 

Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun 13      8     

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 

TABLE  XXXVIII 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best  by  Negro  Boys 
Eight  to  Fifteen  Years  of  Age.    Jan.  1926.    Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

Ages 

Activity                                        8         9       10       11  12       13       14       15 

Going   to   the   "movies"    5         2         2         3  3         1         1         1 

Coasting  on  a  sled  5        1         1         1  1        2        3       10 

Going  to  Sunday  school  (and  liking  it)*...         7         2         6         4  2         5         3 

Playing  cowboy  1         2        3        4        9       

Boxing    3         6        3         7  3         4         S         8 

Football     4       ..         3         7  3        4       10        S 

Sleigh-riding    2         9         7         9  12       13       10       14 

WrestUng   7       ..       10       11  3         8       11         3 

Riding  in  an  auto   7         6       . .         4  14        9         5       10 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 12         5       10       13  8        9       11         8 

Going  to  church  or  to  mass 10       14       ..  14       13       17         S 

Riding  a  bicycle    13         9         9  14         7         S       14 

Basketball 12  6         6         2         2 

Coasting  on  a  wagon  7       10        8        7       

Reading  books 13  ..       11       11 

Ice-skating     13 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball   7 

Driving  an  auto    

Watching  athletic  sports 

Playing  Indian   7         6       

Snowball  fights   13       

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  192S 


14       ..         9       13         4         S 

10       13       

9       11       10 

13 


Ages 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

1 

3 

S 

3 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

3 

3 

10 

5 

4 

2 

2 

1 

2 

2 

1 

4 

4 

3 

3 

12 

7 

16 

2 

2 

8 

4 

10 

9 

10 

7 

9 

11 

13 

6 

4 

6 

S 

4 

IS 

13 

6 

S 

4 

1 

2 

RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  139 

TABLE  XXXIX 

Rank  in  Frequency  or  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  3est  by  White 
Girls  Eight  to  Seventeen  Years  of  Age.    Jan.  1926.    Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

Activity  8 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 1 

Going  to  the  "movies"    4 

Reading  books   8 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 3 

Going  to  Sunday  school  (and  liking  it)  * 6 

Attending  the  theater  * 

Social  dancing   

Playing  house 8      9      6     

Playing  the  piano   (for  fun)    8     10       S     10       9       6       6       7       4 

Watching  athletic  sports 9      4      4 

Playing  school  5 

Helping  somebody  with  his  work*   8       S     10       2       5     11      ..      ..     14     .. 

Roller  skating   7       S       9     11      

Coasting  on  a  sled    2       5       6       7       5      4     . .     IS     14     . . 

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun 6     11     12     12     11      

Having  "dates" 11       8      6      9 

Social  clubs,  or  being  with  the  gang 11     11     10      7 

Riding  in  an  auto    16     ..     13     10     11      ..     IS 

Sleigh-riding     IS     11     12     ..      .. 

Checkers    8     13     IS 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company 12       9 

Card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge,  whist..     18     ..      ..     14     ..     IS     ..     14     .. 

Listening  to   the   radio    8     .  .      . .     14       9 

Going  to  church  or  to  mass 17     . .     14      9 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  192S. 

TABLE  XL 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  Liked  Best  by  Negro  Girls 
Eight  to  Fifteen  Years  of  Age.    Jan.  1926.     Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

Activity 

Going  to  the  movies 12 

Going  to  Sunday  School  (and  liking  it)  *   . 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes   

Reading  books   

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper 

Reading  or  looking  at  magazines   

Social  dancing    

Card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge,  whist. 

Playing   house    

Helping   somebody   with   his   work  *    

Playing  school   

Playing  the  piano   (for  fun)    12 

Attending  the  theater   

Roller  skating  

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun  . . . 

Riding  in  an  auto   

Going  to  church  or  to  mass  *   

Coasting  on  a  sled 

Sleigh-riding    

Checkers    

Listening  to  the  Victrola    

Listening  to  the   radio    

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 


Ages 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

IS 

12 

3 

1 

2 

2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

2 

1 

1 

2 

1 

2 

1 

2 

2 

3 

4 

13 

4 

6 

8 

4 

3 

4 

3 

3 

8 

8 

6 

7 
'7 

5 

6 
6 

6 

6 
3 
9 

6 

S 

6 

14 

6 

4 

S 

6 

11 

11 

13 

is 

5 

9 

11 

17 

12 

7 

4 

8 

3 

4 

3 

10 

14 

13 

4 

5 

10 

5 

11 

4 

7 

5 

11 

6 

10 

6 

8 

14 

7 

10 

6 

13 

10 

6 

7 

8 

9 

6 

10 

10 

14 

6 

14 

12 

7 

14 

13 
14 

14 

13 
13 
11 

is 

9 

9 

15 

140  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

TABLE  XLI 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  to  Which  White  Boys  of 

Ages  Eight  to  Seventeen  Gave  the  Largest  Amount  of  Time.    Jan.  1926. 

Kansas  City,  Missouri. 


Activity 

Reading  books   

Coasting  on  a  sled   

Going  to  the  "movies"    

Helping  somebody  with  his  work  *   

Boxing 3 

Basket  ball   

Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun  . . . 

Driving  an  auto    

Making  or  assembling  a  radio  or  other 

electrical    apparatus    4     ..      ..       4       2 

Playing  cowboy   3     . .       4 

Toy  trains,  ships,  autos,  wagons,  etc 3       7 

Building  snow  men,  snow  forts,  snow  houses     . .      . .       1       5     

Having  "dates" 4 

Playing  other  musical  instruments  than 

the  piano 4 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 


Ages 

s 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

IS 

16 

17 

3 

5 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

s 

4 

9 

1 

2 

3 

3 

2 

2 

s 

4 

9 

2 

S 

7 

4 

7 

3 

5 

4 

4 

7 

3 

3 

2 

5 

S 

7 

S 

s 

3 

Q 
3 

TABLE  XLII 

Rank  est  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  to  Which  the  Negro  Boys 

OF  Ages  Eight  to  Fifteen  Gave  the  Largest  Amount  of  Time.    Jan.  1926. 

Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

Ages 
Activity  8         9       10       11       12       13       14       15 

Coasting   on   a   sled    1         2         1         1         4         2         2         4 

Playing    cowbody    1         4         3         4       

Helping   somebody   with    his   work  *    4         1         4         2         2         2         6         2 

Going  to  the  "movies"    4        3         5       ..         4         5         5         2 

Basket  ball   7       2         1         1 

Sleigh-riding    8        4         1         3         8       ..         2         4 

Going  to  Sunday  School  *    7       ..         5         1         1       ..         8 

Going  to  church  or  to  mass  * 7       ..         8       ..        ..         8 

Boxing     1         6       

Reading  books 4         6         6 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  Ust  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 


1 

2 

3 

3 

4 

3 

i 

3 

4 

2 

2 

5 

9 

4 

6 

8 

2 

9 

6 

5 

8 

8 

6 

5 

S 

2 

6 

6 

4 

7 

RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  141 

TABLE  XLIII 

Rank  in  Frequency  of  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  to  Which  White  Girls  of 

Ages  Eight  to  Seventeen  Gave  the  Largest  Amount  of  Time.    Jan.  1926. 

Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

Ages 

Activity                                      8  9  10     11     12     13     14     15     16     17 

Reading  books   3  8  2       2       1       1       1       1       1       1 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 1  1  S 

Helping  somebody  with  his  work  *    1  3  4 

Going  to  the  "movies"   8  2  1 

Playing  the  piano  (for  fun)    S  4  5 

Coasting   on  a   sled    4 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company   

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun 

Having  "dates"   

Making    something  *    

Going  to  Sunday  School  *   5  6 

Playing  house  8  6 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 


TABLE  XLIV 

Rank  in  Frequency  or  Games  and  Other  Play  Activities  to  Which  Negro  Girls  of 

Ages  Eight  to  Fifteen  Gave  the  Largest  Amount  of  Time.    Jan.  1926. 

Kansas  City,  Missouri. 

Ages 

Activity                                        8         9       10  11  12  13       14       IS 

Reading   books    2       ..         5  3  1  1        1        2 

Playing  the  piano   (for  fun)    1       ..         4  5  3  3         4         8 

Helping  somebody   with  his  work  *    2         1         2  1  3  7         6 

Going  to  the  "movies"    4        3         8  4  2  2         1         6 

Going   to   Sunday   School  *    5         5  8  6  5        3         8 

Dolls,  doll  carriages,  doll  clothes,  etc 4         2         1  1  5       

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun 6  8  5         6         1 

Coasting  on  a  sled 5         5  8  8       

Going  to  church  or  to  mass  * . .         4       . .  8  6  . .       10 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company 8  . .  3       10 

*  Activities  thus  marked  were  not  included  in  the  Play  Quiz  list  prior  to  Nov.  1925. 

RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PARTICIPATION  IN  GROUP  ACTIVITIES  * 

In  addition  to  indicating  those  activities  in  which  they  had  en- 
gaged during  the  preceding  week,  the  children  were  asked  to  mark  the 
activities  in  which  they  had  participated  alone. 

For  each  child  the  total  number  of  play  activities  engaged  in  dur- 
ing the  preceding  week  was  ascertained.  The  number  participated  in 
with  one  or  more  additional  children  was  next  determined.  The  per- 
centage of  the  total  activities  that  the  social  activities  represented  was 

*  See  The  Journal  of  Applied  Psychology,  Dec,  1926. 


142  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

designated  the  index  of  social  participation.  Thus,  an  index  of  social 
participation  of  80  indicates  that  80  per  cent  of  the  activities  engaged 
in  by  the  child  were  ones  in  which  one  or  more  additional  children 
took  part.  By  this  method  of  reckoning  a  high  index  of  social  partici- 
pation signifies  that  the  child  is  relatively  social  in  his  play  behavior. 
Conversely,  a  lower  index  of  social  participation  means  that  the  child 
is  relatively  solitary  in  his  play. 

Figure  23  and  Table  XLV  show  the  mean  indices  of  social  partici- 
pation for  the  four  groups  of  children.  It  will  be  noted  from  Table 
XLV  that  the  Negro  children  are  distinctly  more  social  in  their  play 
than  either  of  the  white  groups. 

Table  XL VI  shows  the  percentages  of  Negro  children  whose  indices 
of  social  participation  reach  or  exceed  the  median  of  the  white  children 
of  corresponding  chronological  ages.  In  Table  XL VI  comparison  is 
made  of  two  groups  only,  namely,  the  Negro  children  of  Kansas  City, 
Missouri,  and  the  white  children  of  the  same  city. 

Particularly  salient  is  the  fact  that  in  every  age  interval  (8^  to 
15^)  Negro  children  are  more  social  in  their  play  than  white  children. 
The  differences  are  marked  and  consistent  from  year  to  year.  From 
the  data  it  is  apparent  that  a  conspicuous  difference  exists  between  the 
races  in  the  extent  to  which  sociability  is  manifested. 

TABLE  XLV 

Mean  Indices  of  Social  Participation  for  Each  of  Four  Groups  of  Children. 

Negro  Children  White  Children  White  Children 

Negro  Children  Kansas  City  Kansas  City  Rural 

C.  A.                       Tulsa,  Ok.  Missouri  Missouri  (Kansas) 

SYz                              *..  68.4  61.8  S9.3 

914                               *..  67.4  60.6  59.9 

10J4   ■                            68.3  6S.S  58.9  SS.l 

11^                               65.3  64.5  56.1  55.9 

12^                               62.4  63.0  53.7  54.4 

13^                               60.5  61.9  54.4  55.5 

14^                               60.2  59.0  52.1  52.5 

1514                             54.8  59.5  S1.4 


* 


*  Data  lacking. 


TABLE  XLVI 


Percentages  of  Negro  Children  Whose  Indices  of  Social  Participation  Reach  or 
Exceed  the  Medians  of  White  Children  at  Each  Age  Level. 

C.A.  8J4  9J^  10J4  11^  12^  Uy2  14^  ISYi 

68%  63%  61%  67%  68%  63%  65%  64% 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR 


143 


Index   of   Social 

Participation 

loo 


Ages  —  81"        9i- 


IQi- 


11|     12i     i:5-J-     14i-     161- 


Tulsa,  Okla.   Negroes 
K.  C.  Mo.  Negroes 
F.  C.  Mo.  Whites      , 
Rural   (Kans.)    Whites) 


Figure  23 

Relationship  between  C.A.  and  the  Index  of  Social  Participation.     Racial  differences  in 
the  Index  of  Social  Participation  also  shown.     See  Table  XLV,  p.  142. 


14!4 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


The  greater  sociability  of  the  Negro  is  corroborated  by  the  fact 
that  Negro  children  were  found  to  engage  more  often  than  white  chil- 
dren in  such  social  activities  as  the  following:  "Going  to  Sunday 
school,"  "Going  to  church  or  to  mass,"  "Telling  stories,"  "Listening 
to  stories,"  etc. 


ioo;£ 


A««a—  8i  .    H    lOi-    111-    121-    15i-     14i     15i 

Negro  girls 

White  girls — 

Negro  boys    

White  boys 

Figure  24 

Percentages    of    Negro    children    versus 
white  children  who  engaged  in  play- 
,  ing  school  during  the   course   of   one 

week.     See  Table  XLVII,  p.   146. 

Speculation  regarding  the  Negro  child's  relatively  great  sociability 
is  interesting.  There  appears  to  be  no  means  of  ascertaining  whether 
the  extreme  socialibility  of  the  Negro  child  is  a  cause  or  a  result  of 
other  racial  characteristics.  How  much  social  participation  is  con- 
sonant with  well-balanced  development  is  unknown.  It  is  entirely 
possible  that  over-participation  in  social  activities  may  result  in  neglect 
of  certain  individual  activities  essential  to  well-balanced  development. 
It  is  therefore  impossible  to  say  whether  the  Negro  child's  excessive 
sociability  is  a  handicap  or  an  asset. 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVICR  145 

In  a  later  chapter  it  will  be  shown  that  children  retarded  in  school 
progress  are  considerably  more  social  in  their  play  behavior  than  are 
children  who  make  normal  progress  in, school  (p.  203  ff).  It  will  be 
shown  further  that  gifted  children  (I.  Q.  140  or  above)  are  less  social 
than  are  unselected  children  (p.  211  ff).  In  an  unpublished  Master's 
thesis  in  which  a  study  was  made  of  two  groups  of  Negro  children, 
one  group  consisting  of  children  having  high  indices  of  social  par- 
ticipation, the  other  consisting  of  children  having  very  low  indices 
of  social  participation,  it  was  found  that  the  solitary  group  was  superior 
to  the  extremely  social  group  in  scholarship/ 

These  data  indicate  that  an  exceedingly  high  index  of  social  par- 
ticipation is  likely  to  coexist  with  inferior  scholarship.  Whether  much 
social  participation  posits  also  "freedom  from  tension"  and  "ease  of 
bearing  in  social  situations"  is  a  matter  of  speculation. 

Hollingworth  asks,  "What  does  quantitative  psychology  teach  with 
respect  to  the  combination  of  performances  in  a  given  personality?"  ^ 
She  concludes,  "It  will  be  seen  that  there  is  no  law  of  compensation  in 
human  ability,  however  much  we  may  long  to  find  it  there." 

Again  Hollingworth  states:  "There  is  found  to  be  a  quality  of  the 
individual  which  results  in  general  superior,  mediocre,  or  inferior  per- 
formance in  his  case  a  positive  coherence  in  the  amounts  of  all  traits 
possessed  extending  even  to  appreciable  coherence  between  mental  and 
physical."  "^     (Italics  ours.) 

It  seems  reasonable  to  conclude  from  the  data  presented  in  this 
chapter  that  decision  in  reference  to  compensation  or  correlation  of 
desirable  traits  must  be  reserved  until  definitions  of  "desirable  and 
undesirable"  have  been  formulated  and  agreed  upon. 

RELATIVE  EXTENT  TO  WHICH  NEGRO  AND  WHITE  CHILDREN 
ENGAGE  IN  "PLAYING  SCHOOL"  * 

Table  XL VII  and  Figure  24  show  the  percentages  of  boys  and 
girls  of  each  race  who  engaged  in  "Playing  school,"  during  the  course 
of  one  week  preceding  the  investigation  of  January,  1926.  As  the 
results  of  this  investigation  corroborate  the  earlier  findings,  data  are 
presented  only  for  the  study  of  January,  1926.  The  following  facts 
are  revealed:  (a)  Girls  of  both  races  engage  in  this  activity  much  more 

*  See  Psychological  Review  for  Nov.  1926. 


146  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

frequently  than  boys;  (b)  Negro  children  participate  in  playing  school 
more  frequently  at  all  ages  than  white  children;  (c)  Both  race  groups 
participate  less  often  in  this  activity  as  chronological  age  increases. 

Witty  and  Decker  found  that  Negro  children  were  educationally 
retarded  in  all  subjects  at  all  ages  when  comparisons  were  made  with 
the  educational  achievement  of  white  children/  As  Negro  children 
are  conspicuously  unsuccessful  in  academic  behavior,  it  seems  para- 
doxical that  they  should  play  school  more  frequently  than  their  more 
successful  classmates.  One  would  naturally  expect  the  Negro  to  turn 
during  his  leisure  hours  to  activities  in  which  he  can  best  succeed  and 
to  avoid  those  for  which  he  manifests  restricted  ability.  What  explana- 
tion is  there  for  the  relatively  great  frequency  with  which  Negro 
children  relive  school  activities  by  playing  school?  The  following 
is  offered  as  a  likely  hypothesis  in  this  regard. 

TABLE  XLVII 

Percentages  of  White  and  of  Negro  Boys  and  Girls  Who  Indicated  That  They  Had 
Been  "Playing  School"  During  the  Course  of  One  Week.    Jan.,  1926. 

Negro  White  Negro  White 

Ages  Girls  Girls  Boys  Boys 

8^  81  57  41  13 

9^  61  41  40  9 

10^  60  43  29  11 

111^  47  35  21  S 

12^  41  19  15  .3 

13^  32  .9  8  3 

141^  21  6  2  0 

15^  21  1  S  0 

Probably  none  would  deny  that  the  Negro  is  cognizant  of  his 
inferior  social  status.  Negro  children  doubtless  are  aware  of  their 
lack  of  social  and  intellectual  prestige  from  very  early  ages.  The 
writers  suggest  that  Negro  children  engage  in  playing  school  more 
commonly  than  white  children  because  this  activity  symbolizes  to  them 
knowledge,  power,  and  prestige,  which  they  are  unable  to  achieve  in 
the  world  of  actuality.  This  form  of  make-believe  play  may  be  a 
compensatory  activity. 

Various  writers  have  emphasized  the  compensatory  nature  of  the 
day-dream  or  fantasy.  Robinson  insists  that  conscious  shamming  or 
make-believe  play  is  essentially  a  compensatory  mechanism  having 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  147 

the  same  origin  and  impetus  as  the  day-dream  or  fantasy.^  Every 
normal  child  must  play  because  childhood  is  primarily  a  period  of 
incomplete  adjustment. 

"The  child  is  driven  by  many  inherited  and  acquired  impulses,  some  of 
which  are  adequately  and  easily  expressed,  and  some  of  which  find  no  direct 
outlet.  These  latter  create  a  situation  demanding  compensation,  and  this 
compensation  is  as  a  rule  secured  through  make-believe  activities.  Most 
common  among  such  activities  are  play  and  fantasy.  A  child  would  light, 
hunt,  and  make  a  home  as  particular  stimuli  arouse  him.  He  is  seldom  in 
such  an  environment,  however,  and  he  is  practically  never  so  organized  by 
inheritance  or  training  that  these  undertakings  can  be  fully  carried  out. 
There  are  inexhaustible  inhibitors  around  him  and  within  him  which  check 
free  expression.  And  sO'  he  plays  at,  or  has  day-dreams  of  fighting,  hunting, 
and  home-making.  I  have  no  desire  at  this  time  to  say  which  of  the  unsatis- 
fied impulses  of  childhood  are  inherited  and  which  acquired;  but,  howevei 
they  arise,  we  find  that  they  are  many  and  urgent,  and  consequendy  that 
every  normal  child  must  find  compensation  for  their  inhibition."  ^ 

Full  of  impulses  to  do  actual  things,  the  child  is  equipped  with  a 
physique  and  surrounded  by  an  environment  which  are  constant  ob- 
stacles to  success.  In  such  cases  we  are  apt  to  have  a  mimicry  of  feats 
of  strength  and  daring.  The  satisfactoriness  of  the  resultant  make- 
believe  play  is  sometimes  increased  by  muscular  overt  accompaniments. 
Robinson  illustrates  this  fact  by  drawing  upon  his  own  boyhood  experi- 
ence: 

"As  a  child  I  was  full  of  baseball  fantasies.  Although  I  played  baseball 
a  great  deal,  these  games  did  not  satisfy  certain  standards  set  up  by  reading 
athletic  stories  and  watching  older  and  more  skillful  players.  But  the  fan- 
tasies, too,  often  became  unsatisfactory  on  account  of  their  intangibility. 
As  a  result  I  formed  the  habit  of  laying  out  a  diamond  upon  the  lawn  and 
there,  without  ball  or  playmates,  carrying  out  the  overt  movements  of  an 
heroic  baseball  performance.  Many  a  time,  I  pitched  nine  long  innings  to 
baffled  athletes  who  swung  immaterial  bats  at  my  imaginary  curves.  Here 
was  fantasy  improved  and  made  realistic  by  the  actuality  of  its  muscular 
accompaniments."  ^° 

Common  observations  make  evident  the  fact  that  fantasy  is  some- 
times improved  and  made  more  realistic  by  the  presence  of  playmates. 


148  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Reaney  holds  that  organized  group  games  may  have  a  compensatory 
function/^ 

The  compensatory  function  of  make-believe  play  is  not  ordinarily 
evident  to  the  performer.  Consciousness  of  inferiority  is  the  very 
thing  that  the  performer  seeks  to  avoid.  Success  crowns  the  indi- 
vidual's efforts  only  when  he  forgets  the  unpleasant  actuality  which 
has  given  rise  to  the  compensatory  activity. 

It  is  probable  that  Negro  children  play  school  as  a  compensatory 
mechanism.  How  then  is  one  to  explain  the  fact  that  boys  engage 
less  frequently  than  girls  in  this  activity? 

It  has  been  shown  that  girls'  play  does  not  extend  over  so  wide  a 
geographical  radius  as  boys'  play.  Girls  are  not  permitted  to  roam  as 
far  from  home  at  the  earlier  ages  as  are  boys.  Girls  must  adjust  their 
play  activity  to  the  indoor  situation  in  which  they  find  themselves. 
The  differences  between  the  sexes  in  native  equipment  plus  the  en- 
vironmental restrictions  to  which  girls  are  subjected  offer  a  plausible 
explanation  of  the  sex  difference  revealed  in  this  regard. 

With  increased  maturity  both  sexes  and  both  races  engage  less 
frequently  in  playing  school.  This  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
satisfaction  which  is  derived  from  compensatory  behavior  is  dependent 
upon  the  extent  to  which  the  activity  is  reconcilable  with  the  child's 
own  credulity.  It  is  likely  further  that  increase  in  chronological  age 
brings  progressively  greater  opportunity  to  participate  in  diverse  plays 
r.nd  games,  some  of  which  are  intrinsically  more  satisfying  than  play- 
ing school.  This  would  account  in  part  for  the  decrease  in  participa- 
tion in  this  activity  with  increase  of  maturity. 

CHURCH  AND   SUNDAY  SCHOOL  ATTENDANCE  OF 
NEGRO  CHILDREN* 

Table  XLVIII  shows  the  percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  each 
race  who  went  to  Sunday  school  (and  liked  it)  during  the  course  of 
one  week  preceding  the  investigation  of  January,  1926. 

Data  are  presented  separately  for  the  sexes  in  Figures  25  and  26. 
It  is  of  interest  that  Negro  children  of  both  sexes  exceeded  white 
children  in  frequency  of  Sunday  school  attendance.  It  is  further 
significant  that  boys  of  both  races  participated  less  frequently  in  this 

*  See  Journal  of  Religious  Education  for  Jan.  1Q27. 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR 


14-9 


activity  as  chronological  age  advanced.  Girls,  however,  exhibited  in- 
terest in  this  activity  at  all  of  the  age  levels  investigated.  It  is  of 
interest  further  that  rural  children  engaged  less  frequently  in  all  the 
various  church  activities  than  city  children. 

Table  XLIX  presents  data  in  reference  to  church  attendance.    The 
facts  presented  in  Figures  25  and  26  are  corroborated  here.  The  Negro 

Per   cent 
100 


80 


60 


20 


Ages-'  -B\       94-     lOl     11^ 
White  city  boys  -  - 

Negro  city  boys  

White  rural  boys  — 


12i     13J-     141-     15-2 


Figure  25 

Percentages  of  boys  of  various  age  levels 
who  reported  that  they  had  attended 
Sunday  school  during  the  course  of 
one  week  and  enjoyed  doing  so.  See 
Table  XLVIII,  p.  150. 


-8i-       9-1-       \0k     Hi     12|-     13|-     14  Jr     l&i- 
White  city  girls  --  —  -_--  — 

Negro   city  girls  

White  rural  girls 

Figure  26 

Percentages  of  girls  of  various  age  levels 
who  reported  that  they  had  attended 
Sunday  school  during  the  course  of 
one  week  and  enjoyed  doing  so.  See 
Table  XLVIII,  p.  'iSO. 


children  attended  church  more  frequently  than  white  children.  It  is 
of  interest  that  all  of  the  children  attended  Sunday  school  more  fre- 
quently than  church. 

In  addition  to  checking  each  activity  that  he  had  voluntarily  en- 
gaged in  during  the  preceding  week,  each  child  was  asked  to  designate 
also  his  three  favorites.     A  large  percentage  of  the  Negro  girls  men- 


150  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

tioned  activity  No.  44,  "Going  to  church  or  to  mass,"  as  one  of  their 
three  favorites.  The  only  activities  of  the  entire  Hst  of  200  that  were 
as  popular  as  "Going  to  church  or  to  mass,"  are  "Playing  with  dolls, 
doll  clothes,  doll  carriages,  etc.,"  and  "Going  to  the  moving-picture 
show."  Several  activities  preceded  "Going  to  church  or  to  mass,"  in 
order  of  popularity  among  white  girls.  Data  are  presented  in  Table 
L  showing  the  percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  various  age  levels  who 
mentioned  "Going  to  church  or  to  mass,"  as  one  of  their  three  favorite 
activities.  Table  LI  shows  how  this  activity  ranked  in  reference  to 
popularity  among  white  girls  and  Negro  girls.  It  is  clear  that  "Going 
to  church  or  to  mass,"  is  much  more  popular  among  Negro  girls  than 
among  white  girls. 

TABLE  XLVIII 

Percentages  of  Boys  and  Girls  of  Various  Age  Levels  Who  Reported  That  They 
Had  Gone  to  Sunday  school  During  the  Course  of  a  Week. 

Nov.  1925  Jan.  1926  Jan.  1926  Nov.  1925  Jan.  1926  Jan.1926 

Ages                (Rural)     (White)  (Negro)  (Rural)  (White)  (Negro) 

Boys  Girls 

8>^                       29                 71  84  49  68  81 

QU                      40                63  77  39  74  81 

10^                       34                68  78  47  73  80 

111^                       37                58  85  44  61  75 

12^                       34                59  79  45  68  76 

133^                       41                 58  73  49  60  87 

1414                       20                46  73  43  61  82 

1514                      23                58  58  57  71  74 

TABLE  XLIX 

Percentages  of  Boys  and  Girls  of  Various  Age  Levels  Who  Reported  That  They 
Had  Gone  to  Church  or  to  Mass  During  the  Course  of  One  Week. 

Nov.  1925  Jan.  1926  Jan.  1926  Nov.  1925  Jan.  1926  Jan.  1926 

Ages                 (Rural)     (White)  (Negro)  (Rural)  (White)  (Negro) 

Boys  Girls 

8^                       11                33  49  31  30                32 

91/2                       29                31  SO  24  28                51 

1054                      18                27  53  25  24                SO 

llj/^                       28                21  58  33  28                44 

12^                       20                28  48  23  24                54 

13^                      26                25  48  35  27                54 

14J/^                       12                 19  31  23  24                56 

15J^                         5                30  38  29  49                62 

The  popularity  of  an  activity  is  well  indicated  by  the  extent  to 
which  it  affects  other  activities.  The  extent  to  which  the  children 
studied  play  "Church"  and  "Sunday  school,"  is  presented  in  Tables 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  151 

LII  and  LIII.  The  conspicuous  fact  herein  presented  is  that  simula- 
tion of  church-going  activities  is  more  popular  among  Negro  children 
than  among  white  children. 

It  is  perhaps  needless  to  remind  the  reader  that  the  foregoing  data 
reveal  nothing  in  reference  to  the  effect  of  church-going  activities  upon 
Negro  children's  moral  conduct.  Odum  maintains  that  the  Negro's 
religion  is  not  a  religion  of  daily  application. 

"The  church  has  been  called  the  central  point  around  which  all  Negro 
life  revolves.  It  is  certainly  a  great  influence  in  the  life  of  the  Negroes  and 
furnishes  them  with  the  greater  part  of  their  better  life  and  the  outlet  for 
much  of  their  energy.  The  function  of  the  Negro  church  is  rather  to  give 
expression  and  satisfaction  to  social  and  religious  emotions  than  to  direct 
moral  conduct."  ^^ 

In  a  Master's  thesis,  Scruggs  points  out  that  the  nearest  approach 
to  unanimity  of  interest  among  Negro  children  in  types  of  reading 
material  was  elicited  in  response  to  Bible  stories.^^ 

TABLE  L 

Percentages  of  Boys  and  Girls  or  Varioits  Age  Levels  Who  Mention  Activity 
No.  44,  "Going  to  Church  or  to  Mass,"  as  One  of  Their  Three  Favorite  Activities. 

Nov.  1925  Jan. 1926  Jan. 1926  Nov. 1925  Jan. 1926  Jan. 1926 

Ages                 (Rural)     (White)  (Negro)  (Rural)  (White)  (Negro) 

Boys  Girls 

8^                        0                  9  8  "17  10                19 

9J^                         0                  9  13  4  20                24 

1054                         0                  6  15  8  24                24 

llj^                         8                  5  12  6  9                26 

12^                         3                  2  21  3  14                29 

13J^                         0                  4  20  2  8                33 

14J4                         0                  4  10  0  7                31 

ISH                       ..                   2  18  ..  10                32 


TABLE  LI 

How  Activity  No.  44,  "Going  to  Church  or  to  Mass,"  Ranked  Among 
200  Activities  in  Reference  to  Popularity. 

Ages                                        Rank  Rank 

8%                                           2  6 

9^                                            1  3 

lOH                                              VA  2 

liy2                                           1  8 

12H                                            1  4 

13^                                              2  10 

14^                                              2  9H 

ISy^                                           2  10 


152  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

TABLE  LII 

Percentages  of  Boys  and  Girls  of  Various  Age  Levels  Who  Reported  That  They 
Had  Been  "Playing  Church"  During  the  Course  of  One  Week. 

Nov.         Jan.            Jan.                       Nov.  Jan.          Jan. 

192S          1926             1926                        1925  1926           1926 

Ages                  (Rural)    (White)       (Negro)               (Rural)  (White)     (Negro) 

Boys  Girls 

Sj4                         6                5                26                        IS  6                33 

9^                         2                2                20                        18  3                39 

10J4                        1                 1                 18                        16  6                29 

nj4                        3                0                12                        11  6                17 

Uyz                        3                2                  7                          6  2                22 

UYz                         2                2                  4                          7  19 

1454                         0                2                  0                          3  1                 13 

1554                         113                          4  0                21 


TABLE  LIII 

Percentages  of  Boys  and  Girls  of    Various  Age  Levels  Who  Reported  That  They 
Had  Been  "Playing  Sunday  School"  During  the  Course  of  One  Week. 

Nov.         Jan.  Jan.  Nov.  Jan.  Jan 

192S          1926  1926  1925  1926  1926 

Ages                  (Rural)   (White)  (Negro)  (Rural)  (White)  (Negro) 

Boys  Girls 

S}4                        4                2  18  12  7  42 

954                         3                 1  12  8  7  30 

105^                         4                2  IS  9  12  25 

115^                         1                0  15  3  10  18 

1254                         3                2  7  2  2  17 

1354                         14  4  0  2  8 

1454                         10  4  10  8 

1554                         2                0  0  0  0  21 

"Among  the  kinds  of  stories  chosen  Bible  stories  first  demand  attention, 
not  because  of  sentiment,  but  because  more  pupils  evince  an  interest  in  this 
type  of  reading  matter  than  any  other  type."  ^* 

"In  expressing  their  best  liked  types  of  stories  boys  at  age  9  years  prefer, 
first,  funny  stories;  second,  Bible  stories;  third,  bedtime  stories.  At  age  10 
years  preference  is  shown  for  Bible  stories  first,  bedtime  stories  second,  and 
funny  stories  third.  At  age  11  to  14  years,  inclusive,  Bible  stories  aie  first, 
adventure  second,  and  how  to  make  things,  third.  At  ages  15  and  16  years 
inclusive,  Bible  stories  lead,  adventure  ranks  second,  and  information, 
third."  " 

It  is  clear  that  Negro  children  and  adults  demonstrate  conspicuous 
interest  in  religious  acts. 

Seashore  has  mentioned  the  fact  that  religious  faith  provides  for 
extension  of  the  personality.    It  is  possible  that  religion  to  the  Negro 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  153 

is  an  escape  mechanism,  a  device  by  means  of  which  he  frees  himself 
from  environmental  inhibitions  and  feeling  of  inferiority. 

"The  sense  of  freedom  is  prominent  in  religious  life — the  self-expression 
of  the  soul  set  free.  We  play  when  we  are  free;  religion  has  always  been  a 
breaking  away  from  the  bonds  and  cares  of  this  world.  .  .  .  We  play  when 
we  are  in  need  of  recreation;  religion  is  not  only  a  haven  of  rest  but  a 
fountain  for  the  renewal  of  life's  energies.  The  freedom  which  in  ordinary 
life  comes  from  a  sense  of  freedom  in  movement  is  limited  in  comparison 
with  that  freedom  which  comes  to  the  devout  in  taking  hold  of  the  Infinite 
by  faith."  ^^ 

"The  feeling  of  extension  of  personality  finds  its  fullest  expression  in  the 
religious  attitude.  .  .  .  Faith  is  power;  in  a  very  real  sense  we  are  what  we 
believe  ourselves  to  be."  ^^ 

The  writers  make  no  pretense  of  being  able  to  "explain"  in  any 
ultimate  or  final  sense,  the  Negro's  interest  in  religious  activities.  It 
seems  reasonable  to  suppose,  however,  that  the  church  and  the  Sunday 
school  give  expression  and  satisfaction  to  the  Negro's  social  and  re- 
ligious emotions.  It  may  be  that  the  Negro's  relatively  inferior  status 
(social,  intellectual,  educational,  and  economic)  produces  in  him  a  felt 
need  for  extension  of  his  personality.  It  may  be  that  in  some  instances 
the  Negro's  religion  is  a  compensatory  mechanism  having  the  same 
origin  and  impetus  as  the  day-dream  or  fantasy. 

RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  REFERENCE  TO  "BOXING" 

Thus  far,  the  writers  have  emphasized  race  differences  in  frequency 
of  participation  in  certain  activities  primarily  social  in  nature.  The 
greater  sociability  of  the  Negro  seems  to  be  verified  by  these  findings. 

There  are  racial  differences  in  activities  not  markedly  social  in 
nature  that  merit  attention.  Conspicuous  among  these  activities  is 
"Boxing." 

Table  LIV  and  Figure  2  7  present,  for  the  first  three  of  the  studies 
that  were  made,  the  percentages  of  Negro  boys  and  the  percentages  of 
white  boys  that  participated  in  "Boxing."  It  will  be  noted  that  the 
curves  for  the  Negro  boys  are  distinctly  above  those  of  the  white 
boys  in  each  of  the  three  investigations.     This  difference  was  found 


154 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


likewise  to  exist  in  the  subsequent  investigation  of  January,   1926. 
Figure  28  presents  averages  for  the  several  investigations. 

Is  the  Negro   boys'   excessive  indulgence  in   "Boxing"   a  com- 
pensatory device?     It  is  obvious  that  in  "Boxing"  one  attempts  to 


looro 


80 


60 


40 


£0 


Ages— 81-       yi     10-J     11^     12^     15^     14-|-     15^     164-     17-^     18^ 


White  boys 


Negro  boys 


Nov. 
Feb. 
Apr. 


Nov. 

—    —    —    —    —      Feb.     A A 

Apr.  —    —    —    —    —    — 

Figure  27 

The  boxing  of  Negro  boys  versus  the  boxing  of  white  boys,  by  seasons. 
See  Table  LIV,  p.  156. 

reveal  physical  superiority.  Moreover,  physical  prowess  and  success 
in  "Boxing"  are  at  once  apparent  and  unmistakable.  The  fact  has 
been  mentioned  that  the  Negro  is  inferior  to  the  white  in  numerous 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR 


155 


ways;  intellectually,  educationally,  socially,  and  economically.*     He 
does  not  appear,  however,  to  be  physically  inferior  to  the  white  man. 


100 


Agea-al" 


Town  white   boys 
Negro  boys 
Rural  white  boys 


Figure  28 

The  boxing  of  Negro  boys  versus  the  boxing  of  white  boys.  Average  of  results  obtained 
from  three  separate  investigations  of  town  children  and  one  study  of  rural  children. 
See  Table  LIV,  p.  156. 


It  may  be,  therefore,  that  this  activity  affords  the  Negro  an  oppor- 
tunity of  equality  in  competition  that  is  denied  him  in  other  realms. 

*  It  is  of  course  possible  that  certain  of  these  race  differences  may  be  due  to  environ- 
mental rather  than  to  hereditary  differences.  However,  to  b"  treated  as  an  inferior  is  in 
itself  sufficient  to  produce  attempts  on  the  part  of  the  Negro  to  compensate. 


156  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY^  ACTIVITIES 

TABLE  LIV 

Percentages  of  Negro  Boys  and  White  Boys  Who  Indicated  That  They  Had  Par- 
ticipated IN  "Boxing"  During  the  Course  of  One  Week  Preceding 
a  Given  Investigation. 


Negro  bovs 

White  boys 

Nov. 

Feb. 

Apr. 

Nov. 

Feb. 

Ap: 

Ages 

1923 

1924 

1924 

1923 

1924 

192 

8^ 

69 

53 

* 

25 

18 

* 

9^ 

71 

82 

66 

30 

32 

20 

10J4 

64 

68 

69 

28 

34 

32 

11J4 

74 

69 

70 

26 

34 

30 

12^ 

65 

60 

54 

32 

39 

34 

13J^ 

69 

63 

37 

30 

37 

21 

14^ 

46 

63 

56 

24 

36 

23 

15y2 

55 

^   45 

41 

23 

35 

22 

16y2 

41 

56 

41 

25 

28 

20 

17/2 

44 

39 

46 

21 

35 

21 

isy2 

20 

41 

18 

20 

22 

22 

*  Insufficient  data  for  the  computation  of  percentages. 

THE  NEGRO  CHILD'S  INTEREST  IN  WRITING  POETRY 

Table  LV  shows  the  percentages  of  Negro  and  white  boys  and  girls 
who  indicated  that  they  had  written  poems  during  the  week  preceding 
the  administration  of  the  Quiz.  Marked  seasonal  differences  are  not 
revealed  in  these  data.  This  fact  is  best  shown  by  the  data  obtained 
from  the  investigations  of  Nov.,  1923,  Feb.,  1924,  and  Apr.,  1924, 
these  three  investigations  having  been  made  among  identical  groups  of 
children.  The  similarity  of  the  results  obtained  from  each  race  in 
the  three  investigations  is  striking. 

Sex  differences  were  found  to  be  relatively  slight,  the  girls  writing 
poems  only  slightly  more  frequently  than  the  boys  of  the  same  ages. 
This  tendency  was  consistent  in  each  of  the  three  studies. 

The  data  presented  in  Table  LV  show  further  that  the  older  indi- 
viduals included  in  the  study  wrote  poems  less  often  than  the  younger 
ones.    The  transition  from  age  to  age  is,  however,  gradual. 

The  Negro  children  wrote  poems  much  more  commonly  than  the 
white  children  durihg  each  season  of  the  year  and  at  all  age  levels. 
The  difference  is  clearly  revealed  in  Figure  29,  and  in  Table  LVI 
which  present  the  composite  results  obtained  from  the  several  investi- 
gations. 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  157 


100 


80    • 


60    • 


40 


20    ■ 


A^es—8i     9*       lOi     lit     124-     13*     14*     15j- 


White  girls 
White  boys 
Negro  girls 
Negro  boys 


Figure  29 


Percentages  of  white  children  and  of  Negro  children  who  reported  that  they  had  en- 
gaged in  "Writing  Poems"  durng  the  course  of  one  week.  Composite  results  of 
four  different  studies  of  play  behavior.    See  Table  LV,  p.  158. 


158  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

TABLE  LV 

Percentages  of  Boys  and  Girls  of  Various  Age  Levels  Who  Indicated  That  They 
Had  Written  Poems  During  the  Course  of  One  Week  "Just  for  Fun." 

Boys 


Nov. 

Nov. 

Nov. 

Feb 

Apr. 

1924 

1925 

Jan 

1923 

1924 

1924 

(Rural) 

(Rural) 

1926 

Ages 

W. 

N. 

W. 

N. 

W. 

N. 

(White) 

(White) 

W. 

N. 

8H 

27 

61 

34 

56 

* 

* 

11 

6 

19 

33 

W^ 

20 

45 

12 

46 

9 

11 

14 

13 

8 

33 

ioVz 

11 

25 

7 

30 

10 

22 

20 

9 

14 

21 

ny2 

12 

41 

11 

11 

12 

12 

12 

18 

9 

20 

12^ 

4 

5 

4 

5 

4 

5 

21 

6 

9 

15 

13^ 

4 

9 

5 

4 

3 

3 

9 

5 

10 

16 

uy2 

6 

0 

5 

8 

3 

0 

6 

4 

2 

2 

ISVz 

2 

3 

5 

4 

3 

0 

13 

9 

1 

3 

16^ 

2 

* 

4 

* 

2 

* 

* 

* 

2 

* 

17J4 

3 

* 

4 

* 

3 

* 

H= 

* 

* 

* 

18^ 

3 

* 

2 

* 

2 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

19^ 

3 

* 

5 

* 

1 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

2oy2 

2 

* 

1 

* 

3 

* 

* 

* 

.     * 

* 

21^ 

6 

* 

4 

* 

4 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

22  and  up 

3 

* 

8 

* 

4 
Girls 

* 

* 

* 

« 

* 

* 

sy 

35 

66 

22 

37 

=!: 

* 

18 

6 

22 

40 

9^ 

27 

42 

17 

59 

14 

23 

26 

20 

8 

39 

10^ 

19 

24 

18 

20 

13 

15 

32 

21 

14 

37 

nV2 

14 

28 

11 

20 

9 

8 

28 

22 

13 

21 

12^ 

10 

18 

9 

12 

14 

6 

10 

5 

6 

15 

13^ 

8 

2 

8 

17 

7 

6 

9 

7 

5 

11 

14^ 

6 

0 

8 

6 

6 

5 

7 

0 

6 

10 

15^ 

6 

1 

8 

11 

5 

0 

7 

0 

4 

6 

16J4 

4 

* 

5 

* 

6 

* 

* 

* 

1 

* 

I7y2 

3 

* 

8 

* 

3 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

18^ 

6 

* 

8 

* 

4 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

1914 

2 

* 

6 

* 

2 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

20>4 

4 

* 

2 

* 

7 

* 

* 

*- 

* 

* 

21^ 

2 

t- 

4 

* 

3 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

22  and  up 

0 

* 

5 

* 

2 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

*  No  data  assembled. 

TABLE  LVI 

Percentages  of  White  Children  and  of  Negro  Children  Who  Indicated  That  They 

Had  Engaged  in  "Writing  Poems"  During  the  Course  of  One  W^eek.     Composite 

Results  of  Four  Different  Investigations. 

Whites  Negroes 


Ages 

Girls 

Boys 

Girls 

Boys 

8^ 

26 

26 

46 

40 

9^ 

17 

13 

41 

32 

10^ 

16 

10 

27 

24 

113^ 

12 

10 

19 

21 

12^ 

10 

5 

14 

9 

13^ 

7 

S 

9 

8 

14^ 

7 

4 

6 

3 

ISJ^ 

6 

3 

5 

3 

RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  159 

It  is  of  interest  to  attempt  to  account  for  the  racial  difference  re- 
vealed in  the  above  data. 

Kerlin  maintains  that  the  Negro  possesses  certain  poetic  traits  by 
original  nature.  In  a  survey  of  contemporary  Negro  poetry  in  which 
quotations  are  made  from  sixty  odd  Negro  writers  of  verse  he  makes 
the  following  statement: 

"It  comes  not  within  the  scope  of  this  anthology  to  include  any  of  these 
folk-rhymes  of  the  elder  day,  but  a  few  specimens  seem  necessary  to  indicate 
to  the  young  Negro  who  would  be  a  poet  his  rich  heritage  of  song  and  to  the 
white  reader  what  essentially  poetic  traits  the  Negro  has  by  nature."  ^^ 

Kerlin  then  cites  a  few  examples  of  Negro  folk-rhymes  of  earlier 
times. 

Jesperson  holds  that  poetry  is  a  more  primitive  mode  of  expression 
than  prose  and  that  poetry  is  found  in  every  country  to  precede  prose: 

"Just  as  in  the  literature  transmitted  to  us  poetry  is  found  in  every 
country  to  precede  prose,  so  poetic  language  is  on  the  whole  older  than 
prosaic  language;  lyrics  and  cult  songs  come  before  science.  .  .  ."  ^® 

The  greater  interest  in  poetry-writing  demonstrated  by  the  Negro 
may  be  due  to  the  state  of  development  which  he  exemplifies.  It  is, 
however,  possible  that  the  interest  is  due  to  the  markedly  emotional 
nature  of  the  Negro. 

"The  Negro  might  well  be  expected  to  exhibit  a  gift  for  poetry.  ...  It 
will  readily  be  admitted  that  the  Negro  nature  is  endowed  above  most  others, 
if  not  above  all  others,  in  fervor  of  feeling,  in  the  completeness  of  self-sur- 
render to  emotion.  Hence  we  see  that  marvelous  display  of  rhythm  in  the 
individual  and  in  the  group."  -° 

Additional  evidence  of  the  Negro's  fondness  for  rhythm  is  apparent 
from  the  following  facts :  Negro  boys  engage  somewhat  more  generally 
than  white  boys  in  "Playing  the  piano  (for  fun),"  and  both  the  boys 
and  the  girls  participate  more  commonly  than  white  children  in  "Lon- 
don Bridge,"  and  "Other  singing  games." 


160  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

THE  NEGRO  CHILD'S  PLAY— A  FUNCTION  OF  HIS  ECONOMIC 
AND  SOCIAL  STATUS 

Opportunity  for  participation  is  a  potent  factor  in  effecting  certain 
differences  in  the  play  behavior  of  Negro  and  white  children.  Several 
examples  will  follow  of  activities  in  which  Negro  and  white  children 
differ  conspicuously  because  of  what  appears  to  be  inequality  of  oppor- 
tunity. 

(a)  Riding  in  an  auto 

Race  difference  in  reference  to  "Riding  in  an  auto,"  is  marked. 
About  twice  as  many  white  girls  as  Negro  girls  were  found  to  have 
ridden  in  an  auto  during  the  course  of  one  week  preceding  the  investi- 
gations. Economic  conditions  doubtless  had  much  to  do  with  the 
above  findings  in  reference  to  riding  in  an  auto. 

(b)  Making  or  Assembling  a  Radio  or  Other  Electrical  Apparatus 

Negro  boys  were  found  to  engage  less  frequently  than  white  boys 
in  "Making  or  assembling  a  wireless  or  other  electrical  apparatus." 
The  economic  status  of  the  parents  was  probably  a  causal  agent  in 
effecting  this  difference  also. 

(c)  Watching  Athletic  Sports 

In  general,  Negro  children  participated  in  "Watching  athletic 
sports,"  less  often  than  did  white  children.  This  finding  is  probably 
due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  Negro  children  are  not  urged  to  attend 
athletic  contests  to  the  extent  that  white  children  are.  Too,  they 
probably  do  not  find  themselves  so  much  at  home  at  an  athletic  contest 
as  do  the  white  children.  It  is  usually  white  children  who  compete 
in  athletic  contests  and  it  is  only  the  exceptionally  competent  Negro 
who  is  permitted  to  take  part. 

(d)  Playing  Basket  ball 

White  children  were  found  to  play  basket  ball  more  frequently  than 
Negro  children.  The  writers  found  that  where  equal  opportunity  was 
provided  for  participation  in  this  activity  (in  schools  for  Negroes  only), 
Negro  children  took  part  with  equal  or  greater  frequency  than  white 
children. 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  161 

The  four  activities  discussed  above  exemplify  clearly  the  potency 
of  economic  or  social  factors  in  effecting  racial  differences  in  play 
behavior. 


SUMMARY 

Lack  of  adequate  technique  heretofore  has  militated  against  the 
measurement  of  the  races  in  regard  to  certain  traits  of  character.  Con- 
spicuous differences  are  often  assumed.  The  present  writers  have  de- 
veloped a  technique  by  which  certain  outstanding  differences  are 
demonstrated  and  expressed  quantitatively. 

Particularly  salient  is  the  fact  that  Negro  children  are  more  social 
in  their  play  than  white  children.  The  differences  are  marked  and 
consistent  from  year  to  year.  About  65  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  studied 
have  indices  of  social  participation  which  reach  or  exceed  the  medians 
of  white  children  of  various  ages. 

Negro  children  were  found  to  participate  more  frequently  than 
white  children  in  such  social  activities  as:  "Going  to  Sunday  school/' 
"Going  to  church,"  "Telling  stories,"  etc. 

There  appears  to  be  no  means  of  ascertaining  whether  the  extreme 
sociability  of  the  Negro  is  a  cause  or  a  result  of  other  racial  char- 
acteristics. 

The  writers  have  demonstrated  that  a  high  index  of  social  partici- 
pation is  likely  to  coexist  with  inferior  scholarship.  It  is  impossible  at 
present  to  say  whether  the  Negro  child's  excessive  sociability  is  a 
handicap  or  an  asset.  It  is  entirely  possible  that  over-participation  in 
social  activities  may  result  in  neglect  of  certain  individual  activities 
essential  to  well-balanced  development. 

Although  Negro  children  are  relatively  unsuccessful  in  academic 
endeavor,  they  play  school  more  frequently  than  do  white  children. 
It  appears  likely  that  Negro  children  engage  in  playing  school  more 
frequently  than  white  children  because  this  activity  symbolizes  knowl- 
edge, power,  and  prestige  which  they  are  unable  to  achieve  in  the 
world  of  actuality.    This  form  of  play  may  be  a  compensatory  activity. 

It  is  significant  that  Negro  children  of  both  sexes  exceed  white 
children  in  frequency  of  Sunday  school  and  church  attendance.  It 
seems  reasonable  that  church  and  Sunday  school  attendance  permit 


162  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

expression  and  subsequent  satisfaction  in  the  Negro  of  certain 
strong  social  and  emotional  drives.  It  may  be  that  the  Negro's  rel- 
atively inferior  status  (social,  intellectual,  educational,  and  economic) 
produces  in  him  a  felt  need  for  extension  of  his  personality.  It  may 
be  that  the  Negro's  religion  is  a  compensatory  mechanism  having  the 
same  origin  and  impetus  as  the  day-dream  or  fantasy. 

There  are  racial  differences  in  activities  not  markedly  social  in 
nature  that  merit  attention.  "Boxing"  is  a  case  in  point  It  may  be 
that  this  activity  affords  the  Negro  an  opportunity  of  equality  in 
competition  that  is  denied  him  in  other  realms. 

Very  conspicuous  is  the  race  difference  in  frequency  of  participation 
in  writing  poems.  The  Negro  children  write  poems  much  more  com- 
monly than  white  children  at  all  age  levels.  It  is  impossible  to  state 
the  cause  of  this  condition.  Various  writers  have  emphasized  the  exces- 
sive display  of  rhythm  by  the  Negro. 

Certain  race  differences  in  play  behavior  are  obviously  a  function 
of  the  social  and  economic  status  of  the  parents.  Particularly  noticeable 
are  these  forces  in  effecting  differences  in  such  activities  as: 

Riding  in  an  auto. 
Assembling  a  radio. 
Watching  athletic  sports,  and 
Playing  basket  ball. 

REFERENCES 

1.  Pintner,  Rudolf.  Intelligence  Testing.  New  York.  Henry  Holt  and  Company. 
1923.    Pp.  v-406.     (pp.  337-48.) 

2.  Peterson,  Joseph.  "The  Comparative  Abilities  of  White  and  Negro  Children." 
Comparative  Psychology  Monographs.  Vol.  I,  Serial  No.  5,  July,  1923.  141  pp. 
(p.  137  f.) 

3.  Pintner,  Rudolf,    op.  cit.    p.  345. 

4.  Anderson,  Thelma  Hill.  Trait  Ratings  Received  by  Sociable  and  Unsociable 
Groups  of  Boys.  Unpublished  Master's  Thesis  on  file  in  Watson  Library.  The  Uni- 
versity of  Kansas.     1926.     93  pp. 

5.  HoUingworth,  Leta  S.  Special  Talents  and  Defects.  New  York.  The  Macmillan 
Co.     1923.    Pp.  xix-2lS.     (p.  9.) 

6.  HoUingworth.    Leta  S.    op.  cit.    p.  33  f. 

7.  Witty,  Paul  A.  and  Decker,  Albert  I.  "Educational  Attainment  of  Negro  and 
White  Children  in  the  Elementary  School."  Journal  of  Educational  Psychology.  (Forth- 
coming article.) 

8.  Robinson,  E.  S.  "The  Compensatory  Function  of  Make-Believe  Play."  Psycho- 
logical Review.    1920,  27.    Pp.  429-39. 

9.  Robinson,  E.  S.     op.  cit.    p.  429  f. 

10.  Robinson,  E.  S.    op.  cit.    p.  437. 


RACE  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  163 

11.  Reaney,  Mabel  Jane.  "The  Psychology  of  the  Organized  Group  Game."  The 
British  Journal  of  Psychology.  Monograph  Supplements,  No.  I.  Cambridge  at  the 
University  Press.  1916.     Quoted  by  Robinson,  E.  S.     op.  cit.    p.  429. 

12.  Odum,  Howarci  W.  "Social  and  Mental  Traits  of  the  Negro."  A  Ph.D.  dis- 
sertation printed  in  Studies  in  History,  Economics,  and  Public  Law.  Edited  by  the 
Faculty  of  Political  Science  of  Columbia  University.  Vol.  37,  No.  3.  New  York;  Colum- 
bia University.    Longmans  Green  and  Co.    Agents.     1910.    pp.  302.     (p.  54.) 

13.  Scruggs,  Sherman  Dana.  Reading  Interests  of  Negro  Children.  Unpublished 
Master's  Thesis  on  file  in  Watson  Library.    The  University  of  Kansas.     1925.     62  pp. 

14.  Scruggs,  Sherman  Dana.     op.  cit.     p.  13. 

15.  Scruggs,  Sherman  Dana.     op.  cit.    p.  18. 

16.  Seashore,  Carl.  Psychology  in  Daily  Life.  New  York.  D.  Appleton  and  Com- 
pany.    1916.    Pp.  xvii-225.     (p.  25  f.) 

17.  Seashore,  Carl.    op.  cit.    p.  26. 

18.  Kerlin,  Robert  T.  Negro  Poets  and  Their  Poetry.  Washington,  D.  C.  Asso- 
ciated Publishers.     1923.    Pp.  xv-285.     (p.  13.) 

19.  Jesperson,  Otto.  Language;  Its  Nature,  Development,  and  Origin.  New  York, 
Henry  Holt  and  Company.     1923.    448  pp.     (p.  432.) 

20.  Kerlin,  Robert  T.    op.  cit.  (p.  4.) 


CHAPTER  X  • 

SOME  OTHER  VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 

Varied  and  subtle  forces  are  active  agents  each  year  in  producing 
changed  behavior.  Difficult  to  identify,  they  often  elude  analysis. 
One  is  able  to  recognize  only  the  changed  behavior,  not  the  active 
agents.  Particularly  true  is  this  of  play,  a  phenomenon  of  so  many 
variables,  subject  to  such  numerous  environmental  influences  that  it 
is  often  impossible  to  isolate  the  causal  agents  that  effect  the  obvious 
change. 

The  student  of  human  behavior  is  concerned  primarily  with  be- 
havior data  per  se.  The  play  data  of  utmost  interest  to  him  are  those 
which  are  revealed  through  human  behavior.  It  is  of  course  true  that 
behavior  data  often  reveal  little  as  to  causes.  Although  the  causes 
are  sometimes  apparent  they  are  more  often  obscure  or  unidentifiable. 

A  phenomenon  of  so  many  variables  as  play,  based  upon  a  number 
of  innate  trends  and  environmental  influences,  7nust  be  subject  to  con- 
tinuous change.  Data  gathered  for  one  decade  should  not  be  taken  to 
represent  permanent  or  characteristic  features  of  play  behavior  for  all 
time.  The  present  play  activities  are  to  a  large  extent  temporary; 
they  will  be  modified  or  given  up  in  subsequent  years.  Certain  writers 
in  psychology  and  education  have  failed  sometimes  to  take  cognizance 
of  the  fact  of  eternal  change.  Unjustifiable  generalizations  have  been 
formulated  from  the  results  of  specific  investigations;  these  results  are 
often  merely  temporary  modes  of  expression  of  a  given  group.  No- 
where is  the  principle  of  eternal  change  better  illustrated  than  in  the 
play  manifestations  of  children  from  year  to  year  or  decade  to  decade. 


THE  PRESENT  STATUS  OF  THE  TENDENCY  TO  COLLECT 

AND  HOARD* 

The  student  of  psychology  or  education  is  cognizant  of  the  various 
attempts  to  characterize  certain  periods  in  the  child's  development. 

*  See  Psychological  Review  for  Jan.  1927. 

164 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY  165 

Team  play  and  social  participation  in  play  behavior  have  been  em- 
phasized as  characteristic  of  certain  periods  of  development.  Indi- 
vidualistic play  too  has  been  designated  to  be  characteristic  of  other 
periods  of  development.  Collecting  and  hoarding  are  individualistic 
activities  often  regarded  as  instinctive  and  characteristic  of  particular 
periods  of  development.    Thorndike  says: 

"There  is  originally  a  blind  tendency  to  take  portable  objects  which 
attract  attention,  and  carry  them  to  one's  habitation.  There  is  the  further 
response  of  satisfaction  at  contemplation  and  fingering  them  there.  These 
tendencies  commonly  crystallize  into  habits  of  collecting  and  storing  certain 
sorts  of  objects  whose  possession  has  additional  advantages,  and  abort  as 
responses  to  other  objects  whose  possession  brings  secondary  annoyance."  ^ 

The  writers  will  avoid  raising  the  question  of  the  instinctive  char- 
acter of  collecting  and  hoarding.  They  have  observed  certain  clear 
evidence  of  less  marked  interest  in  these  activities  among  present-day 
children  than  was  reported  a  few  decades  ago.  Other  activities  seem 
to  have  become  vastly  more  popular  than  these.  The  emphasis  upon 
these  activities  by  educational  theorists  makes  it  desirable  to  estimate 
their  present  importance  in  the  development  of  the  child. 

The  writers  will  present  data  showing:  (1)  The  frequency  with 
which  children  now  engage  in  collecting  and  hoarding  activities  at 
various  ages,  (2)  Comparative  results  of  data  obtained  now  in  those 
obtained  in  previous  decades. 

One  of  the  items  included  in  Play  Quiz  was  No.  38  "Collecting 
stamps,  birds'  eggs,  etc."  From  responses  to  this  item,  the  writers 
hoped  to  secure  significant  data  in  regard  to  the  extent  to  which  pupils 
now  engage  in  such  activities. 

FREQUENCY  OF  PARTICIPATION  IN  COLLECTING  AND 
HOARDING  ACTIVITIES 

Figure  30  shows  the  percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  various  age 
levels  who  indicated  that  they  had  engaged  in  the  above  activity  during 
the  course  of  one  week.  The  curves  in  Figure  30  were  made  after 
averaging  the  results  obtained  from  the  investigations  which  have  been 
previously  described.  Figure  30  shows  that  interest  in  collecting 
stamps,  birds'  eggs,  etc.,  was  not  especially  marked  among  the  chil- 


166  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

dren  included  in  the  several  investigations.  Figure  30  shows  also  that 
the  transition  from  age  to  age  was  very  gradual.  It  brings  out  clearly 
the  fact  that  there  are  no  age  levels  at  which  the  interest  in  collecting 
or  hoarding  suddenly  decreases  or  increases  by  spurts. 

Table  LVII  shows  the  percentages  of  boys  and  girls  of  various 
age  levels  who  indicated  that  they  had  engaged  in  making  collections 
during  the  course  of  a  week  preceding  each  of  the  several  investigations. 
Marked  seasonal  differences  are  not  revealed  in  regard  to  frequency 
of  participation  in  these  activities.  There  are  obviously  differences  in 
the  types  of  collections  made  at  various  times  in  the  year.  It  is  im- 
portant, however,  that  universality  of  the  collecting  interest  is  not 
revealed  by  the  data.  Further,  it  is  significant  that  the  rural  children 
studied  did  not  engage  more  frequently  in  these  activities  than  city 
children.  The  curves  for  the  rural  and  city  children  are  strikingly 
similar. 

COMPARISON   WITH   OTHER  INVESTIGATIONS 

It  is  of  interest  to  compare  the  above  findings  with  those  obtained 
by  C.  F.  Burk  almost  thirty  years  ago.^  Burk  makes  the  following 
statements : 

".  .  .  the  children  were  asked  to  make  out  a  list  of  all  the  things  they 
had  ever  collected,  tell  when  they  began  and  when  they  stopped  any  collec- 
tion, give  the  number  of  objects  in  each,  and  tell  also  various  things  about 
them,  as  will  be  discussed  later.  The  results  proved  so  fertile  that  a  set  of 
questions  was  made  out  and  given  to  most  of  the  teachers  in  the  city  to  be 
filled  out  by  the  children,  and  a  similar  set  was  gathered  from  school  children 
of  Santa  Rosa.  Several  days  were  allowed  in  order  that  they  might  have 
time  carefully  to  think  up,  look  up  and  count  up  their  collections,  and  jog 
the  memory  of  their  mammas,  also,  as  to  their  past  collections.  In  some 
cases,  as  when  an  enterprising  youth  of  ten  years  recorded  sixty-six  collec- 
tions, fifty-five  of  them  still  continuing,  the  teacher  herself  consulted  the 
mother  and  made  sure  that  all  were  verified. 

"Records  were  obtained  from  510  Santa  Barbara  children  and  704 
Santa  Rosa  children,  in  all  607  boys  and  607  girls,  or  1,214  children. 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 


167 


iges— 8i-      9k     lOi-     Hi-     12^-     134-     14-|-     IS-J-    16i-     17^-     1&|-     ISj-     20^-     21^-     2? 


Boys 
Girls 


Figure  30 


Percentages  of  boys  and  girls  who  collected  stamps,  birds'  eggs  and  so   on  during 
the  course  of  a  week.     Average  of  results  obtained  from  six  separate  investigations. 
See  Table  LVII,  pp.  167-8. 


TABLE  LVII-a 

Percentages   of  Boys  of  Various   Age  Levels  Who    Collected   Stamps,   Birds' 
Eggs,  Etc.,  During  the  Course  of  One  Week. 

Boys 


Nov. 

Nov. 

Jan. 

Jan. 

Nov. 

Feb. 

Apr. 

1924 

1925 

1926 

1926 

Ages 

1923 

1924 

1924 

(Rural) 

(Rural) 

(White) 

(Negro) 

8^ 

10 

4 

29 

7 

7 

9 

8 

9^ 

11 

11 

17 

8 

10 

9 

4 

ioy2 

12 

IS 

21 

7 

11 

8 

S 

11^ 

11 

8 

21 

2 

6 

11 

1 

12^ 

9 

12 

20 

8 

8 

11 

3 

13^ 

9 

10 

14 

2 

6 

16 

1 

14^ 

7 

7 

11 

6 

7 

9 

0 

15^ 

6 

4 

5 

7 

3 

6 

3 

16^ 

7 

3 

3 

* 

* 

3 

* 

17^ 

3 

4 

3 

* 

* 

3 

* 

18^ 

3 

S 

1 

♦ 

* 

•  4 

* 

19^ 

2 

2 

2 

* 

* 

* 

* 

20^ 

0 

0 

2 

* 

* 

* 

* 

2iy2 

0 

0 

0 

* 

* 

* 

♦ 

22  and  up 

3 

4 

0 

* 

* 

* 

♦ 

168  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

TABLE  LVII-b 

Percentages  op  Girls  of  Various  Age  Levels  Who  Collected  Stamps,  Birds' 
Eggs,  Etc.,  During  the  Course  of  One  Week. 

Girls 


Nov. 

Nov. 

Jan. 

Jan. 

Nov. 

Feb. 

Apr. 

1924 

1925 

1926 

1926 

Ages 

1923 

1924 

1924 

(Rural) 

(Rural) 

(White) 

(Negro) 

8H 

10 

4 

4 

4 

13 

1 

0 

^v. 

7 

1 

7 

■; 

8 

3 

3 

ioy2 

5 

5 

4 

10 

6 

2 

2 

11^ 

6 

3 

4 

5 

12 

0 

1 

12H 

6 

6 

6 

9 

12 

1 

3 

i3y2 

1 

2 

6 

4 

9 

s 

0 

uy2 

3 

3 

4 

4 

0 

0 

6 

15^ 

2 

2 

5 

0 

0 

3 

3 

i6y2 

2 

1 

2 

* 

* 

1 

17^ 

0 

0 

2 

* 

* 

2 

isy2 

2 

1 

1 

* 

* 

* 

19J4 

3 

3 

1 

* 

* 

* 

2oy2 

0 

0 

0 

* 

* 

* 

2iy2 

0 

0 

0 

* 

>!: 

* 

22  and  up 

0 

0 

0 

* 

* 

* 

*  No  data  assembled. 

"The  universality  of  the  collecting  interest  was  strikingly  brought  out. 
Only  ten  per  cent  of  the  boys  and  nine  per  cent  of  the  girls  were  not  actively 
making  collections  at  the  time.  .  .  ."  ^ 

Although  Burk  studied  children  living  in  a  different  locality  and 
employed  a  technique  differing  from  that  employed  by  the  present 
writers,  it  is  questionable  that  these  variables  alone  are  sufficient  to 
account  for  the  difference  in  the  findings.  Burk  found  ninety  per  cent 
of  the  children  actively  making  collections.*  The  present  writers  found 
hardly  more  than  ten  per  cent  doing  so.  Nor  were  Burk's  subjects 
restricted  in  their  interests: 

"That  the  children  on  the  average  were  in  process  of  making  from  three 
to  four  actual  collections  bespeaks  a  considerable  amount  of  energy  being 
drained  off  through  the  channels  of  this  instinct."  ^ 

It  is  of  course  true  that  in  the  present  study  interest  in  stamps  and 
birds'  eggs  might  be  revealed  more  readily  than  interest  in  other  activi- 
ties since  mention  of  these  two  items  in  the  list  would  probably  serve 
as  a  memory  aid.     Comparison  of  Burk's  findings  for  these  two  items 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY  169 

with  the  results  of  the  present  investigations,  therefore,  will  operate  to 
make  the  techniques  employed  more  comparable.  According  to  Burk's 
charts  more  than  40  per  cent  of  the  boys  of  ages  7  to  14  inclusive  were 
actively  engaged  in  collecting  stamps.  At  ages  9  and  11  the  per  cent 
rose  almost  to  60.  The  children's  interest  in  collecting  birds'  eggs  was 
not  quite  so  great.  However,  between  ages  8  to  16  inclusive,  more 
than  IS  per  cent  of  the  boys  of  each  age  level  were  collecting  birds' 
eggs,  and  from  ages  12  to  14  inclusive  the  per  cent  was  above  30  at 
each  age. 

In  contrast  to  Burk's  data,  this  study  shows  that  at  no  age  level 
were  as  many  as  15  per  cent  of  boys  making  collections  of  any  kind. 
To  what  is  this  large  difference  due?  It  seems  reasonable  to  assume 
that  interest  in  collecting  differs  from  decade  to  decade.  But  Burk 
seemed  to  be  oblivious  to  the  fact  that  the  only  permanent  phenomenon 
is  that  of  eternal  change.    Note  the  following  conclusions: 

"The  marble  collection  begins  at  least  by  six  years,  with  a  small  number 
of  followers,  and  reaches  its  height  from  seven  to  ten  years,  but  especially 
at  eight  and  nine  years.  After  this  age  it  declines,  and  from  thirteen  years 
on  plays  a  small  part.  Stamps  hold  their  own  from  seven  to  fifteen  years, 
declining  thereafter.  The  prominent  ages  are  from  nine  to  fourteen  years. 
Cigar-tags  are  rather  full-fledged  at  as  early  an  age  as  six  years.  The  craze 
increases,  reaching  its  greatest  intensity  at  twelve  years,  and  then  diminishes, 
dying  out  practically  at  sixteen  years.  This  collection  is  prominent  through 
a  greater  number  of  years  than  any  other  collection.  The  bird  egg  fever 
begins  mildly  at  seven  years  and  increases,  reaching  its  height  from  twelve  to 
fourteen  years."  ® 

A  further  generalization  from  data  such  as  Burk's  is  made  by  Nors- 
worthy  and  Whitley: 

"The  strength  of  this  tendency  (collecting)  in  childhood  and  the  fact 
that  it  is  still  present  in  so  many  adults — witness  the  collections  of  string 
pieces,  bottles,  boxes,  corks,  bags,  hats,  etc.,  as  well  as  those  of  hunting 
trophies,  stamps,  coins,  rugs,  china,  art  objects,  etc., — suggest  that  the 
schools  would  do  well  to  use  the  instinct  more."  ^ 

The  implications  revealed  by  the  data  herein  presented  are  in 
sharp  contrast  to  those  presented  above.     Older  children  became  less 


170  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

and  less  interested  in  making  collections.  It  may  be  that  present-day 
conditions  present  opportunities  to  use  leisure  that  are  more  pleasing 
to  young  people  than  are  activities  such  as  collecting  and  hoarding. 
Activities  such  as  moving-picture  theater  attendance,  dancing,  listen- 
ing to  the  radio,  etc.,  seem  to  be  vastly  more  attractive  to  the  youth 
to-day  than  activities  such  as  collecting.  Deductions  based  upon 
studies  of  children's  interests  need  to  be  made  with  much  caution 
since  interests  are  often  temporary.  Both  children  and  adults  dis- 
played much  interest  in  "cross-word  puzzles"  during  the  winter  of 
1923-24.  Conclusions  based  upon  a  study  of  this  interest  would  be 
applicable  only  to  the  time  at  which  the  study  was  made.  The  parallel 
with  respect  to  collecting  and  hoarding  activities  is  obvious. 

In  one  point  only  does  Miss  Burk's  study  and  the  present  study 
show  marked  agreement,  namely,  the  age  at  which  the  collecting 
tendency  reaches  its  maximum  intensity.  Miss  Burk  found  the  largest 
number  of  collections  was  made  by  ten-year-old  boys.  The  present 
writers  find  that  a  slightly  larger  percentage  of  boys  of  this  age  level 
was  engaged  in  making  collections.  However,  as  mentioned  above, 
the  transition  from  age  to  age  is  very  gradual.  Certainly,  a  difference 
of  one  or  two  per  cent  is  not  enough  to  justify  the  assumption  that  age 
ten  is  an  age  of  "individualism"  and  that  ages  nine  and  eleven  are  to 
be  characterized  differently. 


VARIATION  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  FROM  YEAR  TO  YEAR- 
FASHIONS  IN  PLAY  ACTIVITY 

(a)    Turning  Handsprings,  Cartwheels,  Etc. 

Table  LVIII  presents  the  findings  of  January,  1926,  in  reference 
to  "Turning  handsprings,  cartwheels,  etc."  The  data  are  given  by  sex 
and  by  race.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  white  girls  of  ages  83^  to  11  >4 
inclusive,  participated  in  this  activity  much  more  frequently  than  did 
boys  of  the  same  chronological  ages.  This  situation  is  contrary  to  that 
which  would  be  expected  ordinarily,  and  it  is  also  contrary  to  the  find- 
ings in  previous  studies,  namely,  those  of  November,  1923,  February, 
1924,  and  April,  1925.  It  is  also  contrary  to  the  findings  for  the  rural 
children.  It  is  noticeable  further  from  Table  LVIII  that  only  a  very 
small  percentage  of  Negro  girls  of  ages  8>^  to  11>4  engaged  in  "Turn- 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY  171 

ing  handsprings,  cartwheels,  etc."     It  is  evident  that  Table  LVIII 
requires  explanation. 

Investigation  of  the  situation  at  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  in  January, 
1926,  revealed  that  many  of  the  younger  white  girls,  who  were  included 
in  the  study  of  that  year,  were  taking  private  lessons  in  aesthetic 
dancing.  The  aesthetic  dancing  lessons  involved  the  turning  of  hand- 
springs, cartwheels,  etc. 

TABLE  LVIII 

Percentages  of  White  Children  and  of  Negro  Children  Who  Indicated  That  They 

Had  Engaged  in  "Turning  Handsprings,  Cartwheels,  Etc.,"  During 

the  Course  of  One  Week.    Jan.,  1926. 

Whites  Negroes 

Ages  Girls  Boys  Girls            Boys 

&y2  41  22  6                 20 

9^  43  22  7                 20 

lOyz  34  26  8                 12 

11>4  40  15  1                 12 

12^  19  22  4                 12 

Uy2  21  U  3                 10 

Uy2  8  14  7                   6 

ISyz  9  15  OS 

It  became  evident  that  this  activity  was  very  popular  among  cer- 
tain of  the  younger  white  girls  and  that  they  tended  to  practice  these 
stunts  whenever  they  found  opportunity  to  do  so.  It  is  obvious  that 
opportunity  was  provided  whenever  they  chanced  to  find  themselves 
dressed  for  gymnasium  work.  The  example  of  these  girls  apparently 
aroused  emulation  on  the  part  of  their  classmates.  In  consequence, 
fully  40  per  cent  of  the  white  girls  of  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  ages 
Sy2  to  11^  inclusive,  were  participating  in  turning  handsprings,  cart- 
wheels, etc.,  in  January,  1926. 

The  Negro  children  of  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  do  not  attend  school 
with  the  white  children.  The  Negro  girls  therefore  would  be  uninflu- 
enced by  the  white  girls'  interest  in  aesthetic  dancing.  This  probably 
explains  the  very  large  discrepancy  in  the  extent  to  which  white  girls 
and  Negro  girls  engaged  in  this  activity. 

It  is  improbable  that  similar  results  would  be  obtained  invariably 
were  the  investigations  to  be  repeated  from  year  to  year.  As  previ- 
ously mentioned,  the  only  permanent  phenomenon  is  that  of  eternal 
change.    At  the  time  this  chapter  is  being  written  (1926)  much  interest 


172  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

is  being  manifested  in  the  "Charleston."    Time  alone  will  tell  whether 
this  interest  will  continue  or  whether  it  will  prove  to  be  transitory. 

LOCAL   PLAY   MANIFESTATIONS— THE  NEIGHBORHOOD 

"CRAZE" * 

(b)     Marbles 

Figure  31  presents  the  percentages  of  town  boys  of  various  ages 
who  played  "Marbles"  during  the  course  of  one  week.  The  curve  in 
Figure  31  was  made  by  use  of  the  average  of  the  findings  obtained 
from  the  first  three  studies. 

Figure  32  reveals  the  curves  obtained  when  the  seasonal  results 
are  treated  separately.  Figure  32  shows  that,  contrary  to  popular 
opinion,  "Marbles"  was  played  almost  as  commonly  during  the  autumn 
and  winter  as  during  the  spring  of  the  year.  The  above  findings  were 
verified  both  by  the  testimony  of  teachers  and  school  principals,  and 
also  by  personal  observation  on  the  patt  of  one  of  the  writers. 

The  principal  of  a  Kansas  City,  Kansas,  elementary  school  stated 
in  February,  1924,  that  the  majority  of  the  boys  of  her  school  had 
been  playing  "Marbles"  throughout  the  fall  of  the  preceding  year  and 
as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  Christmas  vacation  of  1923.  A  Lawrence 
teacher  also  testified  that  she  had  observed  numerous  Lawrence  boys 
playing  "Marbles"  in  February,  1924,  at  a  time  when  the  weather  was 
particularly  warm  for  a  few  days.  A  similar  observation  was  made  by 
one  of  the  present  writers  at  the  time  that  he  was  delivering  copies  of 
the  Play  Quiz  preliminary  to  making  the  second  investigation  of  play, 
February  20,  1924.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  results  pictured 
in  Figure  32  are  indicative  of  a  more  or  less  general  tendency  in  this 
regard.  I 

Figure  33  shows  the  percentages  of  town  boys  and  the  percentages 
of  country  boys  of  various  age  levels  who  participated  in  playing  "Mar- 
bles" in  November.  In  Figure  33  the  curve  for  the  town  boys  was 
made  by  using  the  average  of  the  results  that  were  obtained  from  the 
first  three  investigations  while  the  curve  for  the  rural  boys  was  made 
by  using  data  obtained  in  November,  1924.  Data  for  the  first  three 
investigations  of  town  children  were  averaged  for  purposes  of  com^ 

*  Most  of  the  graphs  presented  in  this  chapter  appeared  in  The  Pedagogical  Seminary, 
Sept.,  1926. 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 


ita 


100$^ 


Ages— 8i       9^     lOl-     lli^     12i     13i     14i     15i 

Per  Cents 
Average    of   three   investigations 41       45       43       35       31       21       14         7 

Figure  31 

Percentages  of  town  boys  of  various  age  levels  who  indicated  that   they   had  played 

marbles  during  the  course  of  a  week. 


174 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


oa 

h 1 

80 

• 

60 

• 



^^ 

■ "■*"" — -^'^ 

NX 

yi  r\ 

Nx 

40 

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***».       >S55^ 

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v.    N 

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.,          .     1       1    ..                 i                        (                       i           .   .       .1 

Ages-  Qi       9i     104-     114-     121-     13* 


Nov 

Feb 

.     45 
.     30 
.     49 

Per  Cents 
46        45 
40        38 
SO        46 

36 
32 
36 

30 
31 
33 

18 
20 
26 

14 
14 
16 

7 
6 

Apr 

Nov. 
Feb. 
Apr. 

10 

Figure  32 

Percentages  of  town  boys  of  various  age  levels  who   Indicated  that  they  had  played 
marbles  during  the  course  of  a  week.     Results  of  three  different  investigations. 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 


175 


rio.    17.      Marbles. 


Ages   8J-       94-     lOi     Hi     lai  131-     14i  15i 

Per  Cents 

Town  B 45         46        45         36  30         18         13  7 

Rural  B 17         18         17         14  19           9         12  6 


Town    boys,    Nov. 
Rural    boys,    Nov. 


Figure  33 

Percentages  of  town  boys  versus  rural  boys  who  indicated  that  they  had  played  marbles 
during   the  course  of  one  week. 


176  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


100^ 

J 

80 

• 

60 

1 

■   i 

1 

1 

\ 
• 

\ 
\ 
\ 

40 

1 
/ 

\ 

» 

\ 

***** 

/ 

/ 

V  ^x^^^X        \ 

/ 

^"^^^           \         ^      / 

20 

1 

_J \            i           1 

Ages-   8^        9  J"     lOi-     Hi     IS  J-     ISj-     14i     15-I- 


Lawrence 
Other  T. 


Per  Cents 

34         70         69         71         36        34         21         16 
22         32         32         24         30         18         13         27 


Lawrence  boys  — 
Other  town  boys 


Figure  34 

Percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  versus  percentages  of  other  town  boys  who 
played  marbles  during  the  course  of  a  week. 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 


177 


loo- 


Ages— Si        9i       lOj       Hi     12J-  13i     14i     164^ 

Per  Cents 

Negro   B — *        97        85        87        74        S3        23        24 

White  Town  B — *         38        36         24         22         20         14  6 

*  Insufficient  data  for  computation  of  reliable  per  cents. 

Negro  boys,  Apr. 

White  town  boys,  Apr. 

Figure  35 

Percentages  of  Negro  boys  versus  percentages  of  white  boys  who  played  marbles  during 

the   course   of   the   week   preceding   April   30,    1924. 


178  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

parison  since  seasonal  differences  were  not  conspicuous.  A  subsequent 
investigation  of  rural  children  made  one  year  later  yielded  results 
similar  to  those  described  in  Figure  33. 

Treatment  of  the  data  for  the  various  communities  as  a  whole 
obscures  one  important  feature  of  these  data.  Within  each  community 
"Marbles"  was  played  by  various  neighborhoods  at  various  times. 

"Marbles"  was  being  played  with  considerable  frequency  in  at 
least  one  of  the  neighborhoods  studied  during  each  of  the  three  seasons 
of  the  year  but  at  no  one  time  was  "Marbles"  being  played  generally 
in  every  neighborhood  studied.  In  November,  1923,  "Marbles"  was 
being  played  by  the  boys  of  the  Lowell,  Hawthorne,  Riverview  and 
Morse  elementary  schools,  all  of  them  located  in  Kansas  City,  Kansas. 
In  February,  1924,  this  game  was  being  indulged  in  by  the  boys  of  the 
Pinckney  and  the  Quincy  schools  of  Lawrence,  and  in  April  most  fre- 
quently by  the  boys  of  the  Douglass  elementary  school  of  Kansas  City, 
Kansas. 

Figure  34  shows  the  relative  extent  to  which  Lawrence  boys  and 
the  other  town  boys  played  "Marbles"  in  February,  1924.  A  few 
warm,  midwinter  days  probably  account  for  the  fact  that  marble  play- 
ing became  popular  during  the  month  of  February. 

Figure  35  shows  the  relative  extent  to  which  Negro  boys  of  Kansas 
City,  Kansas,  and  white  town  boys  played  "Marbles"  in  April,  1924. 
It  is  probable  that  the  difference  herein  revealed  is  not  a  characteristic 
race  difference.  This  difference  between  Negroes  and  whites  was  not 
revealed  in  November,  1923,  or  in  February,  1924.  Nor  was  any  racial 
difference  found  in  the  study  of  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  children  in 
January,  1926. 

Playing  marbles  appears  to  be  subject  to  environmental  demands, 
not  so  much  a  product  of  seasonal  change  as  of  the  whims  of  a  com- 
munity. 

(c)     Jacks 

Figure  36  reveals  the  percentage  differences  in  the  extent  to  which 
the  Negro  girls  played  "Jacks"  during  the  week  preceding  April  30, 
1924.  It  is  clear  that  Negro  girls  participated  in  this  activity  much 
more  frequently  than  white  girls.  Significant  differences  between  the 
two  races  were  not  found  in  this  regard  in  November,  1923,  or  Feb- 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 


179 


100^ 


80 


60 


40 


20  • 


Ages—  8i   94  lOi-  111-  12i  13i  14i-  15^ 

Per  Cents 

Negro  G *       92         gl         71         38        30        25  S 

White  G *      48        44        33         23         16  8  6 

*  Insufficient  data  for  computation  of  reliable  per  cents. 

Negro  girls,  Apr. 

White  girls,  Apr. • 


Figure  36 

Percentages  of  Negro  girls  versus  percentages  of  white  girls  who  played  jacks  during 
the   course  of   the  week  preceding   April  30,   1924. 


180  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

ruary,  1924.  However,  in  the  study  that  was  made  in  Kansas  City, 
Missouri,  in  January,  1926,  the  differences  again  appeared.  It  was 
found  that  almost  twice  as  many  Negro  girls  as  white  girls  participated 
in  this  activity  at  this  time.  The  results  of  the  January,  1926,  investi- 
gations are  presented  in  Table  LIX. 

TABLE  LIX 

Percentages  of  White  Children  and  of  Negro  Children  Who  Indicated  That  They 
Had  Engaged  in  Playing  "Jacks"  During  the  Course  of  One  Week.    Jan.,  1926. 

Whites  Negroes 

Ages  Girls  Boys  Girls  Boys 

8^  22  3  48  13 

914  17  2  38  11 

10^  17  3  33  10 

IV/z  13  0  21  7 

12J4.  4  0             .  20  6 

13^  3  0  12  S 

uy2  20  10  2 

ISVz  20  6  0 

These  fluctuations  in  play  behavior  are  difficult  to  explain.  Figures 
3S  and  36  probably  are  illustrative  of  what  happens  when  a  so-called 
craze  appears  in  a  particular  neighborhood.  When  such  a  craze 
occurs,  almost  every  member  of  a  given  group  temporarily  participates 
in  the  craze. 

In  some  instances  a  game  seems  to  appear  only  for  a  brief  time  in 
a  given  neighborhood  and  then  suddenly  disappears.  Such  activities 
are  not  markedly  seasonal  but  seem  to  depend  rather  upon  what  may 
be  called  neighborhood  whims.  These  activities  do  not  seem  to  de- 
pend upon  social  conditions,  playground  equipment,  season,  or  size  of 
school  grounds,  for  their  actuation.  The  writers  do  not  pretend  to  be 
able  to  explain  their  occurrence.  Possibly  they  are  one  aspect  of  the 
general  fact  of  variation  which  is  represented  by  the  normal  distribu- 
tion surface. 

THE  LOCAL  SITUATION  OR  THE  ADULT  INTERESTS  WITHIN 
A  GIVEN  COMMUNITY 

Athletics 

Figure  37  shows  the  percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  who  indicated 
by  their  responses  that  they  had  engaged  in  playing  basket  ball  during 
the  week  preceding  the  investigation  of  February  20,  1924.     Data  are 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 


181 


yj/o 

-^         --'-"^X 

^"^               \ 

80 

!                        \ 

1                           \ 

/ 

/ 

60 

I            ^.^^^ 

^y'                         /      ^*X 

/                                /                \ 

/                                /                     \ 

40 

/            /          v^^ 

/                 Av            /                                 ^^ 

'              /    ^^ 

20 

»            / 

Ages—  84-       9*     lOi     11  J-  12i  13  J-  14*  15^ 

Per  Cents 

Lawrence     27         H         59         89  86        89        91  73 

Other  T 8         18         36         26  61         56         39  35 


Lawrence    boys,   Feb. 
Other   town   boys,   Feb. 


Figure  2)7 

Percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  who  were  found  to  engage  in  basket  ball  in  February 
versus  the  percentages  of  other  town  boys  who  were  found  to  engage  in  basket  ball 
during  the  same  week. 


182  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


Ages—   8J-       94       lOi     Hi  12^     13i  14i     15i 

Per  Cents 

Lawrence     90        82        86  97        82        80  75        75 

Other  T 43         SO        59  76         59         60  52         56 


Lawrence   boys 

Other  town  boys  

Figure  38 

Percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  who  were  found  to  engage  in  football  in  November  versus 
the  percentages  of  other  town  boys  who  were  found  to  engage  in  football  during  the 
same  month. 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY  183 

presented  also  for  the  boys  of  like  chronological  ages  who  lived  in  other 
tov/ns.  Evidently,  basket  ball  is  much  more  frequently  participated  in 
by  Lawrence  boys  than  by  boys  in  certain  other  towns  and  cities. 

Figure  38  shows  an  analogous  situation  with  respect  to  "Football," 

The  differences  displayed  by  Figures  37  and  38  may  be  accounted 
for  by  the  fact  that  Lawrence  is  the  seat  of  the  University  of  Kansas. 
Since  Lawrence  has  a  population  of  12,000  persons,  the  community  is 
dominated  to  a  considerable  degree  by  university  life.  Similar  differ- 
ences, though  less  marked  than  those  given  in  Figures  37  and  38,  were 
found  for  such  activities  as  "Running  races,"  "Jumping  for  height," 
"Jumping  for  distance,"  "Pole  vaulting,"  etc.,  etc.,  the  Lawrence  boys 
participating  more  frequently  than  boys  of  certain  other  towns  in  these 
activities. 

Small  boys  attempt  to  play  football  much  more  frequently  than 
basket  ball.  This  fact  is  clearly  shown  in  Figures  37  and  38  for  boys  of 
ages  8^  to  9^.  Numerous  factors  probably  combine  to  bring  about 
this  situation.  One  important  factor  is  that  greater  opportunity  is 
provided  for  small  boys  to  attend  football  games  than  to  attend  basket 
ball  contests.  The  general  conditions  under  which  basket  ball  games 
are  played  are  such  that  few  boys  of  ages  8^  to  9^  are  permitted  to 
witness  them.  They  are  obviously  not  so  restricted  in  witnessing  foot- 
ball games. 

Small  boys  probably  play  basket  ball  less  frequently  than  football 
because  of  the  relatively  greater  ease  with  which  certain  elements  of 
football  may  be  simulated.  Playing  basket  ball  demands  dribbling  of 
the  ball.  Basket  ball  dribbling  requires  smooth  surfaces  not  often 
available  out-of-doors.  Football,  on  the  other  hand,  may  be  played  on 
almost  any  vacant  lot  or  neighborhood  lawn. 

Other  factors  also  enter  in.  It  is  difficult  to  procure  suitable  basket 
ball  goals  or  their  substitutes.  The  regulation  basket  ball  is  too  large 
for  the  small  boy  to  handle  successfully  and  smaller  ones  are  apparently 
not  generally  manufactured. 

This  detailed  attempt  to  account  for  the  difference  in  the  relative 
extents  to  which  small  boys  participate  in  football  and  basket  ball 
reveals  many  variables  that  may  condition  play  behavior. 


184  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

HOME  TRAINING 

It  was  found  that  book  reading  is  more  frequently  engaged  in  by 
Lawrence  girls  than  by  the  girls  of  certain  other  towns  and  villages. 
Similar  results  were  found  for  the  boys  and  the  results  are  similar  for 
the  various  seasons.  It  was  likewise  found  that  Lawrence  girls  partici- 
pate in  chewing  gum  less  frequently  than  girls  of  other  towns. 

The  preceding  facts  seem  to  be  illustrative  of  the  effect  of  the 
social  status  of  a  given  environment  upon  play  behavior.  It  seems 
likely  that  Lawrence  children  are  afforded  greater  opportunity  and 
given  greater  encouragement  to  read  than  are  children  in  certain  other 
towns. 

The  difference  between  Lawrence  and  certain  other  towns  in  refer- 
ence to  gum-chewing  may  be  due  to  the  difference  in  the  social  status 
of  the  various  communities. 

PLAYGROUND  SPACE  AND  EQUIPMENT 

Figure  39  presents  the  findings  for  activity  No.  4,  "Playing  ball 
with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball/'  for  November,  1923.  Lawrence 
boys  of  ages  10^  and  11>4  played  with  an  indoor  or  playground 
ball  much  more  frequently  than  boys  of  corresponding  chronological 
ages  of  certain  other  towns.  Beyond  age  11>4  the  curve  for  Lawrence 
boys  drops  suddenly.     Similar  data  were  secured  for  Lawrence  girls. 

The  sudden  decrease  in  participation  in  this  activity  is  not  con- 
sistent with  what  has  been  said  previously  in  reference  to  continuity 
of  variation.  This  sudden  waning,  however,  was  found  only  in  a 
very  few  instances.  This  phenomenon  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  Lawrence  children  under  age  12>4  were  selected  from  elementary 
schools  (Quincy,  and  Pinckney  schools)  which  have  abundant  out-of- 
door  playing  space.  These  younger  children  are  provided  with  balls, 
bats,  and  other  equipment  and  they  are  encouraged  to  play  out-of- 
doors. 

The  Lawrence  children  of  age  UYi  to  15jX  were  for  the  most 
part,  pupils  of  the  Lawrence  Junior  High  School.  The  Lawrence 
Junior  High  School  has  no  playground  adjacent  to  the  school  building. 
Hence  the  pupils  have  no  opportunity  to  play  ball  with  an  indoor 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 


185 


100% 


Ages—   ek     94-     101-     114-     124-  131-  14^  154- 

Per  Cents 

Lawrence     27         45         68         72  6           5  2  2 

Other  T 21         28         30        34  39        40  37  31 


Lawrence  boys,   Nov. 
Other  town  boys,  Nov. 


Figure  39 

Percentages  of  Lawrence  boys  versus  the  percentages  of  other  town  boys  who  played  base- 
ball with  an  indoor  or  playground  ball. 


186  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

ball  when  they  are  at  school.     The  result  of  this  lack  of  playground 
space  is  clearly  shown  in  Figure  39. 

A  close  relationship  between  environmental  opportunity  and  play 
behavior  was  found  also  for  certain  other  play  activities.  Among  these 
were  No.  79,  "Doing  gymnasium  work,"  No.  80,  "Doing  stunts  in  the 
g^innasium,"  No.  137,  "Swimming,"  etc.,  the  curves  for  each  of  these 
activities  showing  erratic  changes.  Opportunity  for  participation  in 
these  activities  accounts  for  their  sudden  waxing  or  waning  in  certain 
communities. 


SUMMARY 

Undue  emphasis  upon  periodicity  in  growth  has  resulted  in  the 
more  important  characteristic  of  growth,  namely,  its  continuity,  being 
obscured  and  underestimated.  Unjustifiable  generalizations  have  been 
formulated  from  the  results  of  particular  investigations — these  results 
are  often  merely  temporary  modes  of  expression  of  a  given  group. 

Contrary  to  the  opinions  set  forth  by  certain  writers  in  the  field 
of  psychology,  the  present  writers  found  that  for  most  activities  the 
transition  from  year  to  year  is  gradual.  Collecting  or  hoarding  is  a 
case  in  point.  The  writers  found  that  there  are  no  age  levels  at  which 
the  interest  in  collecting  and  hoarding  suddenly  decreases  or  increases 
by  spurts. 

The  fact  of  eternal  change  is  well  illustrated  by  the  responses 
secured  by  the  writers  to  item  No.  38,  "Collecting  stamps,  birds'  eggs, 
etc."  Universality  of  the  collecting  interest  was  not  revealed.  At  no 
age  level  was  more  than  15  per  cent  of  boys  making  collections.  This 
finding  is  in  sharp  contrast  to  the  results  reported  by  earlier  investi- 
gators. 

Some  of  the  variables  which  influence  play  behavior  and  produce 
change  are:  age  differences,  racial  differences,  sex  differences,  seasonal 
change,  prevailing  fashions  in  play,  adult  interests  within  a  given 
community,  social  environment,  playground  space,  material  equip- 
ment for  playing,  etc.,  etc. 

All  of  these  factors  are  potent  in  producing  sudden  changes  in 
play  manifestations  in  certain  communities.  Generalizations  regard- 
ing play  behavior  must  be  made,  therefore,  with  extreme  care. 


VARIABLES  WHICH  INFLUENCE  PLAY 


187 


TABLE  LX 

Number  of  Lawrence,  Kansas,  Children  Included  in  Three  Investigations 
OF  Play  Behavior. 


Ages 


Nov.  1923 
B  G 

27 
25 
38 
37 
41 
S3 
45 
51 


Feb. 1924 
B        G 


33 
29 
28 
36 
35 
33 
62 


24 
22 
36 
23 
30 
28 
33 
44 


♦Insufficient  number  of  cases  for  computation  of  per  cents 


Apr.  1924 
B         G 


* 

32 

36 

31 

33 

36 

31 

27 

37 

39 

49 

45 

39 

57 

32 

60 

TABLE  LXI 

Number  of  Individuals  Included  in  the  Investigation  of  Jan.,  1926,  Whose  Data 
Were  Tabulated  and  Used  in  the  Construction  of  200  Graphs  of  Play  Behavior. 


Whites 


Negroes 


Ages 

B 

G 

B 

'  G 

8^ 

100 

100 

39 

48 

9^2 

100 

100 

75 

90 

10^ 

100 

100 

94 

123 

ny2 

100 

•  100 

89 

114 

uy 

100 

100 

104 

110 

UYi 

100 

100 

80 

91 

14^ 

100 

100 

48 

71 

15^ 

100 

100 

40 

34 

16^ 

100 

100 

17^ 

68 

so 

.. 

REFERENCES 

1.  Thorndike,   E.   L.     Educational   Psychology.     In   Three    Volumes.     New    York. 
Teachers  College,  Columbia  University.     1913.    Vol.  I.    p.  S3  f. 

2.  Burk,    Caroline   Frear.      "The    Collecting   Instinct."      Fed.    Sem.      July,    1900,    7. 
Pp.  179-207. 

3.  Burk,  Caroline  Frear.     op.  cit.    p.  180. 

4.  Burk,  Caroline  Frear.     ibid. 

5.  Burk,  Caroline  Frear.     op.  cit.    p.  181. 

6.  Burk,  Caroline  Frear.    op.  cit.    p.  190. 

7.  Norsworthy,  Naomi,  and  Whitley,  Mary  T.    The  Psychology  of  Childhood.    New 
York.    The  Macmillan  Co.    1922.    Pp.  xix-37S.     (p.  54.) 


CHAPTER  XI 

INDIVIDUAL  DIFFERENCES  IN  PLAY  BEHAVIOR 

Educational  psychology  teaches  the  fact  of  individual  differences 
with  respect  to  every  trait  that  has  been  measured  or  estimated. 

"Individuals  of  the  same  age  differ  greatly  in  every  trait  that  has  been 
measured  or  estimated.  In  height,  weight,  and  strength;  in  susceptibility 
to  disease,  nervous  stability  and  mental  balance;  in  intellect,  character,  and 
skill;  and  in  aptitudes  for  special  subjects,  arithmetic,  spelling,  music,  or 
athletics  individual  variations  are  found."  ^ 

For  obvious  reasons  the  amount  of  individual  difference  was  first 
ascertained  for  those  traits  which  are  most  easily  measured.  For 
example,  differences  in  height,  weight,  strength,  etc.,  were  among  the 
first  to  be  recognized  and  measured  quantitatively.  The  gradual 
development  of  measurement  of  intellect  followed.  Fairly  precise 
tools  for  the  measurement  of  ability  and  educational  attainment  have 
been  constructed.  Some  of  the  more  elusive  traits  of  character  are 
as  yet  unmeasured.  The  desirability  of  quantitative  expression  of 
deviation  in  these  regards,  however,  is  recognized. 

"The  fact  has  long  been  recognized  that  objects  of  interest  determine 
conduct  and  that  there  are  great  differences  among  individuals  in  this  re- 
spect. Some  children  show  early  in  life  definite  leanings  toward  music  or 
games  or  mechanical  appliances  or  books.  The  marked  cases  are  easily 
observed,  but  we  have  had  slight  technique  for  the  exact  determination 
of  fundamental  preferences  which  are  often  too  deeply  hidden  for  even  the 
individual  himself  to  recognize.  He  does  not  see  himself  as  different  from 
others,  and  teachers  have  vague  standards  with  which  to  compare  him."  ^ 

It  seems  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  activities  in  which  chil- 
dren spontaneously  and  voluntarily  participate  represent  their  genuine 
interests.  If  the  teacher  can  identify  those  activities  to  which  dif- 
ferent children  turn  "just  because  they  want  to,"  he  will  doubtless 
have  discovered  fundamental  mdividual  differences  of  interest.  Such 
discovery  is  of  the  utmost  importance  both  to  the  school  and  to  the 
individual.    It  is  important  for  the  teacher  to  know  in  what  respects 


.      INDIVIDUAL  DIFFERENCES  189 

a  given  child  differs  from  other  children.  It  is  even  more  important 
for  the  individual  child  to  identify  the  ways  in  which  he  is  different 
from  others.  Such  discovery  squares  with  the  Socratic  dictum,  ''Know 
thyself." 

The  most  striking  fact  that  has  come  to  light  as  a  result  of  the 
present  series  of  investigations  is  the  enormously  wide  range  of  indi- 
vidual differences  with  respect  to  those  activities  which  are  frequently 
participated  in,  those  which  are  best  liked,  and  those  to  which  indi- 
viduals reported  that  they  had  given  the  largest  amount  of  time. 

It  was  found  that  each  of  the  200  activities  listed  in  the  Play 
Quiz  had  been  participated  in  by  one  or  more  individuals  during  the 
course  of  a  week,  but  that  no  activity  of  the  list  was  engaged  in  by 
all  individuals  of  any  age  level.  In  the  investigation  that  was  made 
in  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  in  January  of  1926,  almost  100  per  cent 
of  the  younger  children  indicated  that  they  had  looked  at  the  Sunday 
"funny"  paper.  For  the  whole  series  of  investigations  approximately 
SO  per  cent  of  the  younger  children  were  found  to  have  participated  in 
this  activity.  It  is  possible  that  lack  of  opportunity  rather  than  lack  of 
interest  accounts  for  the  fact  that  some  few  children  failed  to  check 
this  activity. 

There  are,  however,  few  activities  in  which  anything  approaching 
unanimity  of  interest  was  demonstrated.  In  most  instances,  less  than 
SO  per  cent  of  the  children  of  a  given  age  participated  in  a  given 
activity.  Since  lack  of  unanimity  of  play  interest  was  repeatedly  found 
even  when  such  factors  as  age,  sex,  race,  season,  neighborhood,  etc., 
were  kept  constant,  it  seem.s  logical  to  infer  that  a  chief  factor  in 
play  behavior  is  that  of  individual  difference  of  interest.  As  corn- 
pared  with  individual  differences,  such  differences  as  age,  sex,  race, 
season,  and  neighborhood  are  relatively  insignificant  and  unimportant. 

NUMBER  OF  ACTIVITIES  ENGAGED  IN 

Figure  1,  and  Table  IX  (pages  S8  and  59)  present  the  median 
number  of  play  activities  and  the  middle  fifty  per  cent  range  of  the 
number  of  activities  participated  in  by  boys  and  girls  of  various 
ages.  Figure  1,  and  Table  IX,  reveal  the  following  facts:  (a)  The 
typical  boy  of  age  8^/2  participated  in  approximately  40  different  play 
activities  during  the  coures  of  one  week;   (b)  2S  per  cent  of  boys  of 


190 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


this  age  engaged  in  less  than  27  different  play  activities  during  the 
course  of  one  week;  (c)  75  per  cent  of  boys  of  age  8^/4  engaged  in 
more  than  53  different  play  activities  during  the  course  of  one  week. 

Table  LXII  presents  the  percentages  of  boys  of  various  ages  who 
engaged  in  a  given  number  of  play  activities.  Table  LXII  is  to  be 
read  as  follows:  Four  per  cent  of  boys  of  age  8^  participated  in  6-10 
play  activities  during  the  course  of  one  week.  Five  per  cent  of  boys 
of  this  age  engaged  in  11-15  activities.  One  per  cent  engaged  in 
more  than  95  activities.  Table  LXIII  presents  similar  information 
for  girls.* 

Tables  LXII  and  LXIII  reveal  the  fact  that  the  most  active  child 
of  eight  years  participated  in  approximately  100  different  play  ac- 
tivities during  the  course  of  one  week.  The  child  having  the  least 
versatility  of  play  interest  participated  in  less  than  half  a  dozen  differ- 
ent play  activities  during  the  same  time.  These  tables  show  that  with 
respect  to  versatility  of  play  interest,  age  differences  and  sex  differences 
pale  into  insignificance  when  compared  to  individual  differences. 

It  is  of  interest  that  as  chronological  age  increases  individual  dif- 
ferences in  number  of  play  activities  are  less  conspicuous.  Maturity 
seems  to  effect  a  restricting  influence  in  this  regard. 

TABLE  LXII 

Percentages  of  Boys  op  Various  Age  Levels  Engaging  in  a  Given  Number 
OF  Play  Activities. 
No.  of 
Activities  Ages 

Engaged  in     8^4  9^^   10^^   11^^   12^   13>4  14>^  15^  16^   17^  18>4   I9>4  20i^  211^  22 


5   or  less 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

2 

2 

1 

1 

1 

6-10   ..           4 

2 

2 

3 

3 

4 

7 

8 

10 

12 

11 

13 

15 

9 

8 

11-15   ..           5 

4 

6 

6 

8 

13 

13 

21 

18 

19 

18 

18 

22 

18 

30 

16-20   ..           5 

9 

11 

11 

12 

16 

18 

16 

22 

21 

22 

24 

25 

27 

31 

21-25    ..            8 

11 

10 

14 

13 

IS 

15 

17 

16 

19 

20 

18 

18 

19 

16 

26-30   ..          13 

9 

11 

12 

13 

13 

13 

12 

13 

11 

12 

13 

10 

15 

9 

31-35    ..            9 

Q 

9 

12 

11 

10 

12 

8 

9 

8 

7 

7 

4 

5 

2 

36-40   ..          10 

10 

10 

9 

11 

8 

7 

5 

5 

4 

2 

2 

2 

3 

2 

41-45    ..            8 

8 

8 

7 

10 

6 

6 

3 

3 

2 

1 

2 

2 

2 

1 

46-50   ..            7 

7 

6 

7 

6 

4 

4 

3 

1 

3 

1 

,  . 

51-55   ..           8 

6 

5 

5 

3 

4 

2 

1 

1 

i 

1 

,  , 

56-60  ..           5 

3 

6 

4 

2 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

61-65    ..           4 

4 

5 

2 

2 

2 

1 

1 

,  , 

,  , 

,  , 

66-70   ..           3 

2 

3 

2 

2 

1 

1 

1 

71-75  ..            2 

4 

2 

2 

1 

1 

76-80  . .            2 

2 

2 

1 

1 

81-85   ..           2 

3 

1 

86-90   ..           3 

2 

1 

1 

1 

91-95   ..           2 

1 

1 

1 

Over  95            1 

2 

1 

.. 

.. 

*  See  The  Pedagogical  Seminary,  June, 

1927. 

INDIVIDUAL  DIFFERENCES 


191 


TABLE  LXIII 

Percentages  of  Girls  of  Various  Age  Levels  Engaging  in  a  Given  Number 
or  Play  Activities. 

No.    of 
Activities  Ages 

Engaged  in     8^4  9^  10^  IVA  12^  13^  145^   15^  UVz  W/i  18j4  19>4  20^  21^  22 


S  or  less 

2 

1 

1 

2 

2 

2 

1 

1 

2 

6-10  .. 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

4 

6 

4 

10 

13 

11 

14 

11 

7 

14 

11-15  .. 

8 

7 

6 

7 

9 

10 

13 

18 

22 

24 

16 

19 

26 

18 

30 

16-20  . . 

11 

10 

11 

11 

14 

17 

19 

24 

21 

24 

27 

29 

25 

34 

25 

21-25  .. 

10 

10 

10 

16 

16 

16 

17 

18 

21 

15 

22 

17 

19 

22 

17 

26-30  .. 

9 

12 

12 

13 

16 

IS 

IS 

14 

13 

8 

13 

11 

11 

8 

7 

31-35  .. 

10 

11 

11 

10 

9 

11 

9 

7 

5 

6 

5 

5 

5 

7 

4 

36-40  .. 

11 

9 

14 

9 

9 

8 

8 

7 

3 

4 

3 

2 

2 

2 

41-45  .. 

9 

7 

6 

7 

6 

5 

4 

3 

1 

2 

1 

2 

1 

2 

46-50  .. 

7 

6 

6 

6 

4 

4 

3 

2 

1 

1 

51-55  .. 

4 

4 

5 

6 

4 

2 

1 

1 

1 

56-60  .. 

3 

5 

5 

3 

2 

2 

1 

61-65  .. 

4 

3 

3 

1 

2 

1 

66-70  .. 

1 

3 

2 

2 

1 

2 

i 

71-75  .. 

2 

3 

3 

3 

1 

1 

76-80  .. 

2 

3 

2 

1 

1 

1 

81-85  .. 

2 

1 

1 

86-90  .. 

1 

1 

91-95  .. 

1 

1 

1 

Over  95 

2 

1 

SOCIAL  PARTICIPATION* 

Table  LXIV  shows  the  indices  of  social  participation  for  the 
children  studied.  Sex  differences  in  this  regard  were  found  to  be 
so  slight  that  the  data  were  given  composite  treatment.  Table  LXIV 
is  to  be  read  as  follows:  Two  per  cent  of  children  of  age  8)^  had 
indices  of  social  participation  of  less  than  5.  This  means  that  less 
than  five  per  cent  of  the  activities  engaged  in  by  these  children  were 
ones  in  which  one  or  more  other  children  also  took  part.  It  is  evident 
that  these  two  per  cent  of  children  are  relatively  solitary  in  their  play 
behavior. 

Table  LXIV  shov/s  that  nine  per  cent  of  children  of  age  8>4 
were  found  to  have  indices  of  social  participation  of  95  or  above. 
This  means  that  95  per  cent  or  more  of  the  activities  which  they 
participated  in  were  ones  in  which  one  or  more  other  children  also 
took  part.  Evidently  these  latter  children  were  not  inclined  to  take 
part  in  solitary  plays  and  games. 

*  Social  participation  was  studied  only  in  the  rural  investigation  that  was  made  in 
Nov.  1925,  and  in  the  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  study  made  in  Jan.  1926. 


192  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

It  is  quite  possible  that  in  the  case  of  a  given  child  a  high  degree 
of  solitariness  may  be  due  to  illness,  to  a  peculiar  environmental 
situation,  etc.  The  consistency  with  which  these  differences  appear 
at  various  age  levels  suggests  that  the  deviations  displayed  are  not 
due  merely  to  chance  or  accident.  The  child's  withdrawal  from  his 
fellows  may  be  a  deliberate  withdrawal  or  a  blind  trial-and-error  out- 
come of  an  attempt  to  avoid  unpleasant  social  contacts.  In  either 
case  it  is  indicative  of  a  lack  of  social  adjustment  and  demands  the 
attention  of  the  educator. 

TABLE  LXIV 

Percentages  of  Children  of  Various  Age  Levels  Having  Various  Indices 
OF  Social  Participation. 

Cases  464  721  775  814  902  914  767  802 

Ages  8^  9^  10^  111^.  UYz  13^  14^^  15^ 
Indices  of  Social 

Participation 

Less  than  5     2  1  1  1  1  ..  ..  1 

5-9     1  1  1  1  1  ..  1  1 

10-14     1  1  1  1  1  1  2  2 

15-19     1  1  2  1  1  3  3  2 

20-24     2  2  4  3  2  4  4  4 

25-29     2       '         3  3  3  4  3  4  4 

30-34     4  4  3  3  5  5  6  6 

35-39     4  4  4  5  5  7  8  7 

40-44     5  4  7  8  9  8  9  9 

45-49     7  7  7  9  8  10  8  9 

50-54     6  7  8  9  10  10  9  10 

55-59     6  7  9  9  11  9  9  9 

60-64     •. .  9  6  8  8  10  9  9  12 

65-69     8  10  8  8  8  8  9  7 

70-74     9  10  8  6  6  6  8  7 

75-79     7  5  6  6  5  6  4  3 

80-84     6  5  6  4  5  6  4  3 

85-89     7  7  6  6  4  3  3  3 

90-94     4  6  5  3  2  2  1  2 

95  and  above   9  7  6  5  3  3  2  2 

It  is  entirely  possible  that  overparticipation  in  group  activities 
may  result  in  neglect  of  certain  individual  activities  essential  to  well- 
balanced  development.  It  is,  therefore,  of  importance  that  thorough- 
going case  studies  be  made  of  children  of  extremely  low  or  high 
indices  of  social  participation.  Table  LXIV  enables  one  to  identify 
these  children  for  further  study. 

The  following  quotations  are  illustrative  of  noteworthy  attempts 
at  corrective  play  adjustments: 


INDIVIDUAL  DIFFERENCES  193 

"At  the  Institute  whatever  is  attempted  recreationally  is  done  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  psychiatrist's  interpretation  of  the  behavior  problem. 
For  example,  a  child  may  appear  extremely  self-centered;  the  actual  cause 
may  not  be  a  desire  to  show  off  but  rather  a  deep  sense  of  inferiority  for 
which  he  is  unconsciously  compensating.  Here  the  objective  is  to  place 
him  in  a  situation  in  which  there  will  be  relatively  few  possibilities  of  having 
his  feeling  of  inferiority  played  upon.  The  shy,  timid  child  usually  needs 
a  small  group  in  which  he  may  receive  considerable  attention  from  the 
leader  without  being  conspicuously  singled  out.  The  child  who  lacks  per- 
sistence and  gives  up  easily  is  placed  in  a  group  where  individual  accom- 
plishment is  not  especially  clear-cut,  otherwise  he  may  become  discouraged 
from  the  very  start;  and  so  we  might  go  on  piling  up  illustrations."  ^ 

"The  problem  involved  in  the  recreational  placement  of  the  child  diag- 
nosed 'psychopathic  personality,  egocentric  type'  is  to  find  for  him  a  means 
of  self-expression  with  special  opportunities  for  'showing  off.'  Clubs  with 
facilities  for  dramatic  expression  fit  this  need  for  girls  of  practically  all 
ages  and  for  boys  until  the  adolescent  age.  While  it  is  possible  that  the 
egocentric  boy  of  adolescent  age  may  benefit  by  dramatic  expression,  few 
organizations  have  found  such  recreation  feasible  betaaise  the  'average' 
boy  develops  a  self-consciousness  at  that  age  that  makes  him  reluctant  to 
take  part  in  dramatic  work. 

"Organizations  such  as  the  Boy  Scouts,  Girl  Scouts,  and  Camp  Fire 
Girls  with  their  definite  system  of  ranks  and  promotion,  may  prove  a  worth- 
while experiment  for  the  egocentric  child  provided  he  is  interested  in  the 
duties  that  are  included  in  the  various  tests.  When  his  interest  is  not 
aroused,  the  experiment  is  likely  to  prove  a  failure  because  be  is  brought 
face  to  face  with  a  clear-cut  issue  between  accomplishment  and  failure. 
Unable  to  obtain  the  recognition  he  craves,  he  soon  becomes  discouraged 
from  making  any  effort  to  fulfill  the  requirements."  * 

"In  the  recreational  placement  of  children  of  the  opposite  type — 'psycho- 
pathic personality,  inadequate  type' — the  emphasis  is  also  placed  upon  recog- 
nition, but  in  this  case  the  efforts  are  directed  toward  stimulating  a  desire 
for  it  in  the  child.  If  possible,  the  inadequate  child  should  be  placed  in 
small  groups,  where  competition  is  not  keen,  and  where  he  will  receive  a 
great  deal  of  attention  from  the  recreation  leader.  No  opportunity  to  give 
praise  and  encouragement  for  duties  well  performed  should  be  lost.  The 
nature  of  the  activity  will  depend  to  a  great  extent  upon  the  intelligence 
of  the  child,  but  possibly  the  'trial  and  error'  method  of  selection  is  indi- 
cated in  this  type  more  than  with  the  others.  An  associate  with  decided 
play  interests  who  will  supply  the  necessary  motive  force  may  prove  a 


194  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

decided  asset  in  carrying  out  this  treatment.  Whatever  is  attempted  should 
be  regarded  as  a  'splint  method/  and  the  support  should  be  withdrawn  as 
the  child  progresses."  ^ 

It  is,  of  course,  true  that  the  data  presented  in  this  study  are 
partial  in  regard  to  the  play  function.  There  is  a  quality  as  well  as 
a  quantity  of  social  paricipation.  It  may  be  that  significant  differ- 
ences with  respect  to  social  participation  and  solitariness  in  play  are  to 
be  found  by  qualitative  analyses.  These  differences  can  be  discerned 
by  the  method  of  detailed  psychological  analyses  of  how  persons  of 
various  ages  participate  in  their  recreational  activities. 

The  subjective  nature  of  such  analyses  makes  them  difficult  and 
of  questionable  validity.  Too,  the  enormous  individual  differences 
that  exist  among  the  members  of  a  group  of  the  same  chronological 
age  make  doubtful  the  advisability  of  a  program  to  discover  such 
tendencies.  The  writers  have  contented  themselves,  therefore,  with 
quantitative  statement  showing  the  wide  variability  which  exists  among 
school  children  in  respect  to  social  participation  in  plays  and  games. 

The  writers  feel  that  the  technique  herein  presented  will  prove 
particularly  useful  in  identifying  extremely  solitary  children  in  order 
that  remedial  work  may  ensue. 

SUMMARY 

The  technique  used  in  the  present  investigations  of  play  life  of 
children  reveals  enormous  individual  differences. 

Few  activities  were  isolated  in  which  anything  approaching  una- 
nimity of  interest  was  demonstrated.  In  most  instances,  less  than  50 
per  cent  of  the  children  of  a  given  age  participated  in  a  given  activity. 

As  compared  with  individual  differences,  such  differences  as  those 
associated  with  age,  sex,  race,  etc.,  are  relatively  unimportant  and 
insignificant. 

Early  childhood  is  a  period  of  exploration,  a  period  of  self- 
discovery,  experimentation,  etc.  The  tendency  on  the  part  of  small 
children  toward  manifold  physical  and  mental  activity  results  in 
great  versatility  of  play  interests.  This  tendency  decreases  with  in- 
crease of  maturity.  Hence,  the  play  behavior  of  adults  tends  to  become 
relatively  conservative. 


INDIVIDUAL  DIFFERENCES  195 

There  are  conspicuous  individual  differences  in  respect  to  the 
extent  to  which  children  take  part  in  plays  and  games  with  other 
children.  Two  per  cent  of  children  of  age  8>4  were  found  to  have 
indices  of  participation  less  than  5.  This  means  that  less  than  5 
per  cent  of  the  activities  engaged  in  by  these  children  were  ones  in 
which  one  or  more  other  children  took  part.  Nine  per  cent  of  chil- 
dren of  the  same  age  were  found  to  have  indices  of  social  participation 
of  95  or  above.  This  signifies  that  95  per  cent  or  more  of  the  activities 
in  which  they  participated  during  the  week  preceding  the  examination 
were  ones  in  which  other  children  also  took  part. 

The  writers  have  emphasized  the  need  of  identification  of  children 
who  are  extremely  solitary  or  extremely  social  in  their  play  life.  The 
technique  herein  presented  affords  a  method  of  more  complete  child 
accounting. 

REFERENCES 

1.  Gates,  A.  I.  Psychology  for  Students  of  Education.  New  York.  The  Macmillan 
Company.     1923.    Pp.  xvi-489.     (p.  398.) 

2.  Haggerty,  M.  E.  Character  Education  and  Scientific  Method.  Journal  of  Educa- 
tional Research.    Apr.  1926.    13,  p.  244. 

3.  Wannamaker,  Claudia.  "The  Relation  of  the  Individual  Problem  Child  to 
Recreation."     The  Playground.    July,  192.1    19,  p.  204. 

4.  Wannamaker,  Claudia.  "Methods  of  Recreational  Adjustment  as  a  Form  of 
Social  Case  Treatment."  Mental  Hygiene.  Vol.  VII,  No.  4,  October,  1923.  Pp.  744-754. 
(p.  750.) 

5.  Wannamaker,  Claudia,     op.  cit.    Mental  Hygiene.    Pp.  744-754.     (p.  752.) 


CHAPTER  XII 

PLAY  ACTIVITY  AND  THE  SEASONS  OF  THE  YEAR 

It  has  been  emphasized  previously  that  when  human  traits  are 
measured  objectively,  continuity  of  variation  is  found.  Attempts  to 
differentiate  certain  chronological  age  periods  in  terms  of  differences 
in  play  behavior  manifested  therein  are  likely  to  prove  spurious.  The 
play  behavior  which  characterizes  a  given  group  seems  to  be  the 
result  of  gradual  changes  occurring  during  the  growth  period.  These 
changes  have  been  shown  to  be  gradual  and  contingent,  not  sudden 
and  sporadic. 

Of  the  200  play  activities  listed  in  the  Lehman  Play  Quiz,  few 
are  subject  to  seasonal  variation  to  a  marked  degree.  Table  LXV  gives 
a  list  of  activities  which  are  little  affected  by  seasonal  changes.  A 
cursory  examination  of  these  activities  will  convince  the  reader  that 
the  bulk  of  the  play  life  of  the  child  is  not  subject  to  marked  varia- 
tion effected  by  seasonal  changes. 

TABLE  LXV 
Play  Activities  Which  Show  Practically  No  Seasonal  Change 

Visiting  or  entertaining  company. 
Going  to  the  movies. 
Chewing  gum. 
Smoking. 
Having  "dates." 

Listening  to  the  victrola. 

Playing  the  piano  (for  fun). 

Playing  other  musical  instruments  for  fun. 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny"  paper. 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings. 

Reading  the  newspaper. 
Reading  short  stories. 
Reading  books. 
Writing  letters. 
Whistling. 

196 


SEASONAL  CHANGES 


197 


Teasing  somebody. 

Just  singing. 

Drawing  with  pencil,  pen,  chalk,  or  crayon. 

Cutting  paper  things  with  scissors. 

Sewing,  knitting,  crocheting,  etc.,  for  fun. 

Using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun. 
Looking  at  pictures. 
Pla}ang  with  pet  kittens. 
Doing  g3^mnasium  work. 

HIGHLY  SEASONAL  ACTIVITIES 

Everyone  is  aware  that  the  frequency  of  participation  in  certain 
plays  and  games  is  conditioned  largely  by  seasonal  variation.  Such 
activities  make  up  a  relatively  small  part  of  the  total  play  life  of  the 
child.     They  are  important  nevertheless. 

The  activities  which  showed  the  most  marked  variation  in  fre- 
quency of  participation  therein  during  the  various  seasons  are  listed 
in  Table  LXVI. 


TABLE  LXVI 

Seasonal  Play  Activities 
Activities  most  frequently  participated  in,  November,   1923. 


Boys 
Football. 
Basket  ball. 
Gathering  nuts. 
Going  to  parties  or  picnics. 
Hunting. 


Girls 
Basket  ball. 
Gathering  nuts. 
Going  to  parties  or  picnics. 


Activities   most    frequently  participated   in,    February,    1924. 


Boys 
Basket  ball. 
Checkers. 

Coasting  on  a  sled. 
Ice-skating. 
Sleigh-riding. 
Snowball  fights. 

Building  snow  men,  snow  forts,  snow 
houses,  etc. 


Girls 
Basket  ball. 
Checkers. 

Coasting  on  a  sled. 
Ice-skating. 
Sleigh-riding. 
Snowball  fights. 

Building  snow  men,  snow  forts,  snow 
houses,  etc. 


198  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


Activities  most  frequently  participated  in,  April,   1924, 

Boys  Girls 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball.  Baseball  with  a  hard  ball. 

Ball  with  an  indoor  or  playground     Just  playing  catch. 

ball.  Tennis. 

Just  playing  catch.  Excursions  to  the  woods,  parks,  coun- 

Golf.  try,  etc. 

Tennis.  Gathering  flowers. 

Swimming.  Going    to    entertainments,    concerts, 

Excursions  to  the  woods,  parks,  coun-         and  so  on. 

try,  etc.  Jumping  or  skipping  rope. 

Gathering  flowers.  Jacks. 

Fishing.  Swimming. 

Running  races. 
Jumping  for  height. 
Jumping  for  distance. 
Pole  vaulting. 
Flying  kites. 

In  the  spring  many  of  the  children  studied  engaged  in  certain 
activities  in  which  participation  was  rare  during  the  other  seasons. 
These  activities  may  be  thought  of  as  seasonal  ones.  The  frequency 
of  such  seasonal  activities  was  found  to  be  largest  for  spring.  There 
were  few  activities  characteristically  autumn  ones.  Winter  had  a 
considerable  number  of  such  activities.  The  largest  number  of  such 
activities,  however,  was  found  in  the  spring. 

ACTIVITIES  SOMEWHAT  SUBJECT  TO  SEASONAL  CHANGE 

Graphs  were  made  for  the  200  items  of  the  Play  Quiz  showing 
frequency  of  participation  in  each  activity  at  various  ages  during  each 
season.  Some  of  the  graphs  showed  marked  change  from  season  to 
season.  The  activities  that  showed  marked  variation  have  been  listed. 
Some  activities,  however,  showed  practically  no  seasonal  variation. 
Between  these  two  extremes  every  shade  of  seasonal  difference  was 
found.  It  is,  therefore,  not  an  easy  matter  to  draw  a  line  between 
seasonal  and  non-seasonal  activities. 

Following  is  a  list  of  activities  which  are  somewhat  influenced  by 
season  but  which  are  not  ordinarily  regarded  as  seasonal  activities. 


SEASONAL  CHANGES  199 


TABLE  LXVII 

Activities  Somewhat  More   Frequently  Participated  in 
During  Midwinter 

Boxing. 

Roller  skating. 

Card  games,  such  as  authors,  bridge,  whist. 

Listening  to  the  radio. 

Activities   Somewhat   Less    Frequently   Participated   in 
During  Midwinter 

«  Riding  a  bicycle. 
Horseback  riding. 
Riding  in  an  auto. 
Driving  an  auto. 
Just  hiking  or  strolling. 

Building  or  v/atching  bonfires. 

Climbing  porches,  trees,  fences,  posts,  etc. 

Pitching  horseshoes. 

Mumbly  peg. 

Throwing  rocks  or  stones. 

Playing  in  the  sand. 
Wading  in  the  water. 
London  bridge. 
Drop  the  handkerchief. 
Three  deep. 

Other  ring  games. 

Making  mud  pies,  mud  dolls,  etc. 

Walking  on  stilts. 

It  will  be  noted  that  many  activities  are  somewhat  less  frequently 
participated  in  during  midwinter  and  that  only  a  few  activities  are 
somewhat  more  commonly  engaged  in  during  midwinter.  Perusal 
of  the  preceding  list  is  sufficient  explanation  of  this  fact. 

Such  winter  sports  as  ice-hockey,  skiing,  snow-shoeing,  and  tobog- 
ganing are  practically  unknown  in  Kansas,  and  even  so  common  a 
winter  sport  as  ice-skating  is  a  very  uncertain  winter  sport.  The 
seasonal  differences  revealed  in  the  communities  included  in  the  present 
series  of  investigations  are  therefore  probably  less  marked  than  would 


200  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

be  revealed  by  studies  in  other  geographical  areas.  In  Kansas  it  is 
possible  to  be  out-of-doors  almost  the  entire  year,  the  winters  being 
relatively  mild.  The  relatively  mild  winter  weather  probably  accounts 
for  the  fact  that  ''Riding  in  an  auto,"  shows  only  slight  seasonality. 
It  is  possible  to  drive  a  car  at  all  seasons  of  the  year  in  the  com- 
munities studied  but  there  is  less  temptation  to  do  so  in  midwinter 
than  during  the  spring.  Since  one  is  apt  to  be  indoors  more  during 
the  winter  than  during  the  autumn  or  spring,  there  is  increased  oppor- 
tunity to  take  part  in  certain  indoor  activities  as  "Card  games,  such 
as  authors,  bridge,  whist,"  "Boxing,"  etc.  Frequent  participation  is 
found  therefore  in  these  activities  during  the  winter  season. 

Football  was  found  to  be  more  seasonal  than  any  otfier  of  the  200 
activities.  Basket  ball  is  not  nearly  so  seasonal  as  football.  Basket 
ball  is  played  almost  as  commonly  during  the  fall  of  the  year  as  in  mid- 
winter. Boys  under  12>^  play  basket  ball  fully  as  much  during  the 
autumn  as  in  midwinter.  It  is  of  interest  further  that  adolescent 
boys  (ages  12  to  18)  play  basket  ball  only  slightly  less  during  the 
fall  than  during  the  winter. 

"Marbles"  is  considered  a  spring  pastime.  It  is  traditional  that 
the  appearance  of  marbles  is  a  token  of  spring.  In  the  present 
studies  the  game  was  found  to  be  participated  in  almost  as  frequently 
during  one  season  as  another. 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  AS  REGARDS  SEASONAL  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

SUMMARY 

It  is  readily  noticeable  in  Table  LXVI  that  there  is  a  greater 
seasonal  variation  in  the  play  of  boys  than  of  girls.  Girls  seem  to 
be  more  conservative  than  boys.  It  v/as  found  that  the  girls  showed 
less  variation  than  the  boys  in  frequency  of  participation  in  certain 
highly  seasonal  games.  They  also  varied  less  in  the  number  of  favorite 
activities  and  in  those  consuming  the  largest  amount  of  time.  (See 
Chapter  VII  on  Sex  Differences.)  The  girls  engaged  in  fewer  of  such 
transitory  activities  as  "Walking  on  stilts,"  "Flying  kites,"  "Playing 
blackman,"  etc.  The  girls'  conservatism  was  further  revealed  by  com- 
parison of  the  play  behavior  of  groups  of  children.  Certain  strictly 
community  games  were  engaged  in  more  often  by  boys  than  by  girls. 


SEASONAL  CHANGES  201 

Certain  writers  have  maintained  that  the  male  shows  greater 
variability  than  does  the  female.  It  has  been  said  that  women  are 
less  variable  than  men  in  reference  to  numerous  traits.  Hollingworth 
found  practically  no  difference  in  the  variability  of  the  sexes  when 
several  thousand  measurements  of  infants  of  both  sexes  were  made.^ 
Comprehensive  and  reliable  data  must  be  at  hand  before  valid  generali- 
zations regarding  the  relative  variability  of  the  sexes  may  be  made. 
It  is  possible  that  lack  of  precise  measuring  instruments  may  account 
for  certain  of  the  contradictory  findings. 

It  would  be  a  superficial  explanation  to  maintain  that  girls  show 
less  seasonal  fluctuation  in  their  play  life  because  of  the  fact  that 
fewer  seasonal  activities  are  open  to  them.  The  real  question  is: 
Why  have  the  girls  not  developed  a  larger  variety  of  seasonal  games 
and  other  play  activities? 

It  is  possible  that  girls  are  inherently  more  conservative  than 
boys  and  that  this  conservatism  is  manifested  in  their  play  life. 
There  is,  however,  no  conclusive  evidence  in  support  of  this  hypothesis. 
The  following  hypothesis  is  advanced  by  the  writers  by  way  of  ex- 
plaining the  boys'  greater  variability. 

Data  in  possession  of  the  writers  seem  to  show  that  girls'  play 
activities  are  usually  of  a  type  that  does  not  take  them  far  from 
home  or  out-of-doors  so  frequently.  Boys,  being  more  frequently  out- 
of-doors,  have  had  either  to  adapt  their  play  activities  to  seasonal 
changes,  or  to  withdraw  from  out-of-door  activities.  Apparently,  they 
have  resorted  to  the  first  alternative.  Girls,  being  indoors  much  more 
commonly  than  boys,  have  not  been  obliged  to  develop  seasonal  play 
activities  to  the  degree  which  boys  have. 


SUMMARY 

In  a  number  of  extensive  investigations  of  play,  it  was  found  that 
few  activities  are  subject  to  seasonal  variation  to  a  marked  degree. 
The  bulk  of  the  play  life  of  the  child  is  not  subject  to  marked  varia- 
tion effected  by  seasonal  change. 

In  the  spring,  many  of  the  children  engaged  in  certain  activities 
in  which  participation  was  rare  during  the  other  seasons.  The  fre- 
quency of  such  seasonal  activities  was  found  to  be  greatest  in  the 


202  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

spring.  There  are  few  activities  characteristically  autumn  ones. 
Winter  was  found  to  have  a  considerable  number  of  such  activities 
but  by  far  the  largest  number  was  found  in  the  spring  of  the  year. 

Some  of  the  activities  showed  tremendous  seasonal  variation;  some 
practically  no  variation  from  season  to  season.  Between  the  two 
extremes  every  shade  of  seasonal  difference  was  found.  It  is  difficult, 
therefore,  to  draw  a  line  between  seasonal  and  non-seasonal  activities. 

Greater  seasonal  variation  was  found  in  the  play  of  boys  than  that 
of  girls.  Girls  seem  to  be  more  conservative  than  boys.  It  was  found 
that  the  girls  showed  less  variation  than  the  boys  in  the  frequency  of 
participation  in  highly  seasonal  games. 

The  greater  conservatism  of  the  girl  in  play  may  be  due  to  the 
lesser  variability  of  the  female.  Certain  writers  have  maintained 
that  the  male  shows  greater  variability  than  does  the  female.  Conflict- 
ing data  have  been  secured  in  this  regard.  It  is  possible  that  girls 
are  inherently  more  conservative  than  boys,  this  conservatism  being 
manifested  in  their  play  life.  It  may  be,  however,  that  girls  are  super- 
vised in  their  play  to  a  greater  extent  than  boys,  the  restriction  operat- 
ing to  keep  them  indoors  more,  preventing  participation  in  many 
outdoor  seasonal  games. 

REFERENCES 

1.    Hollingworth,  Leta   S.     "The   Comparative  Variability   of   the   Sexes  at   Birth." 
American  Journal  of  Sociology.     1914-15,  XX,  Pp.  335-70. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

PLAY  ACTIVITY  AND  SCHOOL  PROGRESS  * 

Educational  writers  have  emphasized  repeatedly  the  fact  that 
normal  play  life  is  essential  if  the  child  is  to  develop  to  his  maximum.^ 
Within  recent  years  there  has  been  much  discussion  regarding  the 
advisability  of  separating  the  gifted  child  from  companions  of  his 
own  age  in  order  that  he  may  progress  in  his  school  work  at  a  rate 
consonant  with  his  mentality.  Prominent  writers  have  taken  opposite 
stands  on  this  question.  Holmes  has  argued  that  the  gifted  child 
should  not  be  allowed  to  "run  the  dangers  of  a  forced  pace  during  the 
earlier  years." 

"Something  should  be  said  for  normality.  Health,  companionship,  and 
happy  participation  in  the  activities  of  his  companions  are  considerations 
which  should  all  be  taken  into  account  in  dealing  with  every  individual  case. 
Education  is  a  means  whereby  the  individual  may  have  full  development 
among  his  fellows  and  for  the  common  good.  No  short-sighted  view  of  what 
individual  development  means  should  lead  us  to  separate  a  bright  child 
from  the  companions  with  whom  he  can  be  happiest  and  from  whom  he 
can  learn  most  through  common  work  and  play. 

"...  Nature  has  a  program  in  the  development  of  children  of  which 
we  must  also  take  account,  and  it  may  be  far  better  to  curtail  or  telescope 
the  higher  stages  of  education,  which  come  after  natural  development  is 
more  nearly  completed,  than  to  run  the  dangers  of  a  forced  pace  during  the 
earlier  years. 

"...  Before  we  assume  that  they  (gifted  children)  ought  ...  to  be  en- 
couraged to  complete  their  work  in  the  grades  and  in  the  high  school  in  less 
than  the  usual  time,  we  ought  at  least  to  experiment  with  the  plan  allowing 
them,  instead,  to  use  the  time  they  have  on  school  routine  in  freer,  happier, 
and  more  rewarding  ways."  ^ 

Klapper,  too,  has  insisted  that  the  gifted  child  should  not  be 
separated  from  his  companions.     He  states  that  maladjustments  re- 

*  See  The  Journal  of  Educational  Psychology,  May,  1927. 

203 


204  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

suit  when  a  child  is  permitted  to  progress  through  the  grades  too 
rapidly. 

"The  junior  high-school  graduate  of  eleven  is  a  maladjusted  child. 
Child  life  is  more  than  mere  school  study.  The  eleven-year-old  graduates 
cannot  play  with  children  eleven  years  old,  nor  can  they  play  safely  with 
those  fourteen-year-old  children  who  are  their  mental  equals.  The  high- 
school  senior  of  fourteen  finds  few  friends  among  his  classmates  of  seven- 
teen. He  is  decidedly  a  maladjusted  adolescent  and  the  school  has  unwit- 
tingly become  a  party  in  producing  his  problem.  .  .  .  Would  it  not  be  wiser  to 
keep  the  superior  child  in  school  longer  and  to  enrich  its  education  by  the 
addition  of  a  variety  of  manual  and  trade  experiences,  by  music,  by  physical 
activities,  by  club  life,  by  visits  to  museums,  and  by  extensive  reading  of 
fiction,  of  current  events,  and  of  biography?  Where  is  the  enriched  curric- 
ulum that  is  so  frequently  promised?"  ^ 

The  preceding  assertations  are  interesting  but  their  subjective 
nature  renders  them  of  questionable  validity. 

Freeman,  on  the  other  hand,  has  emphasized  that  acceleration  as 
a  means  of  adjustment  has  advantages  not  generally  recognized  or 
accredited  to  it;  that  grade  skipping  as  a  regular  practice  is  not  as 
detrimental  as  we  have  been  inclined  to  think,  its  results  being 
dependent  upon  the  ability  of  the  pupil.    He  states : 

".  .  .  we  have  in  the  past  emphasized  the  distinction  between  acceleration 
and  enrichment.  In  so  doing  we  have  made  a  false  distinction.  The  real 
distinction  is  between  the  adjustment  which  merely  aims  at  saving  time 
and  the  adjustment  which  aims  at  securing  for  the  gifted  an  opportunity 
to  do  work  at  a  higher  intellectual  level.  We  have  further  assumed  that 
enrichment  implies  keeping  the  pupil  engaged  in  the  work  in  which  the 
pupil  of  average  classification  of  the  same  age  is  engaged.  This  assumption 
is,  I  believe,  incorrect.  Acceleration  actually  provides  enrichment.  The 
work  of  the  advanced  grades  is  intellectually  superior  because  the  method 
which  is  pursued  and  the  content  are  superior  to  those  of  the  lower 
grades.  From  the  point  of  view  of  intellectual  adjustment,  then,  accelera- 
tion accomplishes  both  the  saving  of  time  and  the  enrichment  of  the  instruc- 
tion. The  difficulties  with  this  mode  of  adjustment  are  not  of  an  intellectual 
nature  but  of  a  social  nature.  These  difficulties  may  be  met  by  proper 
forms  of  organization,  and  they  are  being  progressively  diminished  by  the 
very  increase  in  the  frequency  of  acceleration  itself."  ^ 


PLAY  ACTIVITY  AND  SCHOOL  PROGRESS  205 

The  above  quotations  give  evidence  of  conflicting  opinions  regard- 
ing the  effect  of  acceleration  upon  the  child's  adjustment.  Data  in 
this  regard  are  scant.  The  present  writers  have  attempted  to  obtain 
salient  data  in  respect  to  the  effect  of  retardation  or  acceleration  upon 
the  play  life  of  the  child. 

The  data  herein  presented  disclose:  (1)  The  relationship  between 
school  progress  and  the  number  of  play  activities  participated  in  by 
representative  school  children  of  Kansas  City,  Missouri,  and  (2)  The 
extent  to  which  retarded  and  accelerated  pupils  engage  in  social 
play  activities. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  children  included  in  the  investi- 
gation of  January,  1926,  Were  asked:  (1)  To  indicate  among  the  ac- 
tivities of  the  Play  Quiz  only  those  in  which  they  had  engaged  during 
the  preceding  week,  and  (2)  To  designate  the  activities  in  which  they 
had  participated  alone.  The  activities  in  which  the  children  engaged 
without  companionship  will  be  designated  solitary  activities  when 
alluded  to  in  the  discussion  following. 

Progress  quotients  were  obtained  by  dividing  the  mean  chrono- 
logical age  in  months  of  Kansas  City  pupils  of  a  given  grade  by  the 
chronological  age  in  months  of  each  child  in  that  grade. 

For  each  child  the  total  number  of  play  activities  participated  in  dur- 
ing the  preceding  week  was  ascertained.  The  number  participated  in 
in  company  with  one  or  more  additional  children  was  next  determined. 
The  percentage  of  the  total  activities  that  the  social  activities  repre- 
sented was  designated  the  index  of  social  participation. 

The  data  were  assembled  for  6,886  children.  These  were  grouped 
according  to  increasing  chronological  a;ge  in  six  month  intervals. 
Table  LXVIII  presents  the  following  data  for  the  children  in  each 
age  interval:  (1)  Frequency,  (2)  Mean  number  of  activities  engaged 
in,  and  (3)  Mean  index  of  social  participation.  The  first  significant 
finding  was  the  fairly  consistent  tendency  for  the  number  of  play 
activities  to  diminish  as  chronological  age  increased.  This  fact  is 
shown  in  Figure  40. 

The  relationship  between  chronological  age  and  the  index  of  social 
participation  is  revealed  in  Figure  41.  The  older  groups  engaged  in 
a  larger  number  of  solitary  games  than  the  younger  groups.  This 
tendency  was  not  especially  marked  but  was  consistent  in  the  indices 


Ho.  of  aotlvitles 
100 


C.A. 

Figure  40 


8i        9i       lOj-     Hi     12i-     13i-     14J-     15i     16i     17^     18^     19^ 
Relationship  between  C.  A.  and  mean  number  of  play  activities  in  which 


children  engage 
Index  of 
Social  Participation 

100 


See  Table  LXVIII,  p.  207. 


C.A 7f       8i        9i       lOi      Hi     12i-     ISf-     14^     15  J-     16i      17^     ISj     19^ 

Figure  41.     Relationship  between  C.  A.  and  Index  of  Social  Participation.     See  Table 

LXVIII,  p.  207. 


PLAY  ACTIVITY  AND  SCHOOL  PROGRESS 


20" 


of  children  of  chronological  ages  8^  to  16>4.  The  slight  rise  of  the 
curve  at  the  extreme  right  (chronological  ages  17^  to  19>^)  may  be 
due  to  the  small  number  of  cases  involved.  On  the  other  hand  it  may 
be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  oldest  children  were  pedagogically  retarded 
children. 


TABLE 

LXVIII 

Play  Data  for 

6,886  Children. 

Mean  Index 

Mean  No.  of 

• 

of  Social 

Activities 

C.A. 

Frequencies 

Participation 

Engaged  in 

7^ 

84 

62.01 

44.26 

^'A 

468 

63.25 

40.56 

91^ 

935 

61.70 

42.37 

10^ 

981 

60.58 

37.67 

11^ 

748 

58.12 

36.86 

12^ 

903 

55.69 

34.01 

13^ 

946 

55.65 

31.52 

141^ 

848 

52.92 

28.58 

15^ 

573 

52.28 

27.45 

16^ 

288 

50.56 

25.91 

17^ 

82 

52.04 

24.93 

18^ 

25 

52.32 

25.50 

191^ 

5 

57.50 

25.50 

Total 


Table  LXIX  presents  the  frequency  of  progress  quotients  for  6374 
children.  The  progress  quotients  ranged  from  65-135.  A  quotient  of 
65  indicates  that  the  child  so  designated  is  retarded  35  per  cent  of  his 
chronological  age;  a  quotient  of  135  indicates  that  the  child  is  acceler- 
ated 35  per  cent  of  his  age  beyond  the  norm  for  Kansas  City, 
Missouri,  school  children. 

Table  LXIX  reveals  a  striking  uniformity  in  the  number  of  activi- 
ties engaged  in  by  all  the  children  regardless  of  their  varying  rates  of 
school  progress.  There  seems  to  be  little  variation  in  the  number  of 
activities  engaged  in  by  children  who  vary  widely  in  rate  of  progress 
in  school.  Between  the  intervals  represented  by  progress  quotients 
80-120  there  was  found  striking  regularity.  The  extremes  (progress 
quotients  120-135)  also  adhered  rather  closely  to  the  general  trend. 

There  are  too  few  cases  to  permit  generalization  in  regard  to  the 
extremes.  The  meager  evidence  in  reference  to  them  corroborates, 
however,  the  results  of  the  more  complete  body  of  data,  namely,  the 
educationally  retarded  and  accelerated  children  engaged  in  approxi- 


208 


THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 


•  TABLE  LXIX 

Play  Data 

FOR  6,374  Children 

Mean  Index 

Mean  No.  of 

Progress 

of  Social 

Activities 

Quotients 

Frequencies 

Participation 

Engaged  in 

65-69 

8 

75.31 

33.20 

70-74 

31 

73.95 

32.19 

75-79 

75 

68.86 

37.81 

80-84 

195 

62.64 

35.36 

85-89 

363 

61.82 

36.07 

90-94 

663 

59.11 

33.49 

95-99 

999 

58.67 

34.87 

100-104 

1427 

.     56.05 

34.50 

105-109    . 

1482 

57.53 

34.38 

110-114 

868 

!;5.89 

34.10 

115-119 

182 

54.28 

34.66 

120-124 

62 

57.82 

38.15 

125-129 

12 

57.50 

36.43 

130-134 

7 

61.08 

36.67 

Total 


6374 


mately  the  same  number  of  play  activities  as  do  children  who  are 
making  normal  progress  in  their  school  work. 

Acceleration  does  not  exact  its  toll  in  reduction  in  the  number  of 
activities  engaged  in  by  the  child  after  it  has  occurred.  Nor  does  the 
child  who  progresses  normally  in  school  engage  in  more  play  activities 
than  the  retarded  one.  The  data  herein  presented  seem  to  show  the 
falsity  of  the  traditional  view  that  the  accelerated  school  child  demon- 
strates a  conspicuous  lack  in  reference  to  the  number  of  plays  and 
games  in  which  he  participates. 

The  foregoing  data  reveal  no  appreciable  difference  in  versatility 
of  play  interest  exhibited  by  children  of  widely  varying  progress 
quotients.  The  next  important  consideration  is  concerned  with  the 
types  of  play  in  which  these  children  participated.  Particularly  salient 
is  the  analysis  of  play  in  reference  to  the  extent  to  which  social  par- 
ticipation is  permitted.  This  relationship  is  made  evident  in  the 
indices  of  social  participation. 

Table  LXIX  presents  the  relationship  between  indices  of  social  par- 
ticipation and  progress  quotients.  In  contrast  to  the  slight  differences 
found  in  the  social  characteristic  of  play  for  children  of  increasing 
chronological  age,  there  existed  a  rather  marked  tendency  for  pupils 
having  very  low  progress  quotients  to  turn  to  social  play  activities. 
It  will  be  noted  from  Table  LXIX  that  the  index  of  social  participation 


PLAY  ACTIVITY  AND  SCHOOL  PROGRESS  20D 

decreases  as  the  progress  quotient  increases.  This  tendency  was  par- 
ticularly noticeable  with  children  of  progress  quotients  65-100.  Fifty- 
six  per  cent  of  the  activities  engaged  in  by  children  of  progress  quo- 
tient 100,  and  seventy-five  per  cent  of  the  activities  participated  in  by 
those  of  progress  quotient  65  were  social  ones.  No  appreciable  differ- 
ence was  discernible  in  the  type  of  play  in  which  children  of  progress 
quotients  100-135  take  part. 

Robinson  pointed  out  that  it  is  unsafe  to  assume  a  causal  rela- 
tionship just  because  a  correlation  is  found.  Referring  to  the  negative 
correlation  that  is  always  found  between  smoking  and  school  marks, 
he  expresses  the  following: 

"Certain  correlations  have  .  .  .  been  pointed  out  between  tobacco  smok- 
ing and  such  measures  of  intelligence  as  school  marks.  With  practically  no 
exceptions  groups  of  non-smoking  students  make  better  marks  than  groups 
of  smokers.  But  the  earlier  disposition  to  interpret  this  fact  as  a  sign  that 
tobacco  smoking  had  a  detrimental  effect  upon  intelligence  has  been  checked 
by  more  careful  analysis.  It  is  quite  possible  that  where  small  boys  take  up 
smoking  they  do  so  because  they  lack  certain  social  inhibitions,  and  the 
lack  of  these  same,  or  closely  related  inhibitions  may  also  be  a  cause  of  their 
disregarding  scholastic  duties.  Among  older  boys  perhaps  the  socially  more 
intelligent  are  in  a  position  where  the  tobacco  habit  is  more  easily  cultivated. 
And  they  may  also  be  in  a  position  where  there  are  a  maximum  number  of 
distractions  from  purely  scholastic  activities.  Thus,  one  aspect  of  intelligence 
might  be  the  cause  of  both  tobacco  smoking  and  low  scholarship.  In  other 
v;ords  the  true  state  of  affairs  is  far  more  complex  than  that  suggested  by 
the  statement  of  a  single  causal  relationship  between  tobacco  smoking  and 
intelligence  or  even  tobacco  smoking  and  scholarship." 

It  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  fact  that  the  pupils  of  lowest 
progress  quotients  are  found  to  be  most  social  in  their  play.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  the  very  environment  that  provides  choice  companionship 
also  offers  a  maximum  number  of  distractions  from  purely  scholastic 
activities. 

SUMMARY 

Play  data  were  assembled  for  6886  children  grouped  according  to 
their  varying  rates  of  progress  in  school.     The  number  of  activities 


210  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

engaged  in  and  the  mean  indices  of  social  participation  were  obtained 
for  the  various  groups.  The  following  facts  were  revealed  from  a  study 
of  these  children: 

There  was  no  appreciable  difference  revealed  in  the  studies  made 
by  the  present  writers  in  the  number  or  diversity  of  play  activities 
engaged  in  by  children  of  widely  varying  progress  quotients. 

There  was  considerable  variation  among  children  of  varying  prog- 
ress quotients  with  respect  to  the  type  of  play  activity  engaged  in. 

Pedagogically  retarded  children  participated  in  a  considerably 
larger  number  of  social  play  activities  than  did  children  who  had  pro- 
gressed normally  in  school.  It  seems  reasonable  to  assume  that  the 
type  of  activity  which  the  child  spontaneously  and  voluntarily  par- 
ticipates in  is  a  reflection  of  his  felt  need.  The  pedagogically  retarded 
child  then  demonstrated  a  conspicuous  need  for  and  active  interest  in 
plays  and  games  which  provide  social  contacts.  It  is  of  course  possible 
that  the  pedagogically  retarded  child's  felt  need  is  an  inadequate 
criterion.  The  question  is  one  that  cannot  be  answered  until  further 
studies  have  been  made.  There  is  need  for  careful  studies  of  the 
personality  development  of  the  pedagogically  retarded  child.  Such 
studies  will  need  to  follow  the  child's  development,  and  his  success  as 
an  adult  in  the  game  of  life  will  need  also  to  be  taken  into  account.  It 
is  possible  that  the  retarded  child's  social  development  compensates 
somewhat  for  his  pedagogical  retardation;  the  validity  of  this  assump- 
tion will  need  to  be  substantiated  by  subsequent  investigation. 

Pedagogically  accelerated  children  showed  little  variation  from 
children  who  had  progressed  normally  in  school  in  reference  to  the 
social  quality  of  their  play  behavior.  They  did  not  engage  in  a  lasger 
number  of  solitary  plays  and  games.  On  the  contrary,  there  was  a 
tendency  for  pedagogically  accelerated  children  to  engage  in  a  slightly 
larger  number  of  social  play  activities  than  children  who  had  progressed 
normally.  •  The  difference  between  the  two  groups,  however,  was  not 
marked  in  this  regard.  The  significant  fact  is  that  acceleration  did  not 
effect  a  reduction  either  in  the  number  of  different  activities  engaged  in 
or  the  extent  to  which  the  child  participated  with  others  in  recreational 
activities. 


PLAY  ACTIVITIES  AND  SCHOOL  PROGRESS  211 

REFERENCES 

1.  See  Chapter  I. 

2.  Holmes,  H.  W.     "Intelligence  Tests  and  Individual  Progress  in  School  Work." 

Twenty-First   Yearbook  of  the  National  Society  for  the  Study   of  Education.     Bloom- 
ington,  Illinois.  The  Public  School  Publishing  Company.     1922.     Pp.  ix-27S.     (pp.  121-2.) 

3.  Klapper,  Paul.     "The  Experimental  Study  of  Education  with   Special  Reference 
to  the  Elementary  School."    Journal  of  Educational  Research.    Sept.  192S.    12,  pp.  126-7. 

4.  Freeman,  Frank  N.    "The  Treatment  of  the  Gifted  Child  in  the  Light  of  Scientific 
Evidence."     Elementary  School  Journal.     May,   1924.     Pp.  652-661.     (p.  661.) 

5.  Robinson,    E.    S.    and    Robinson,    Florence    Richardson.      Readings    in    General 
Psychology.    Chicago.    The  University  of  Chicago  Press.    1923.    Pp.  xvi-674.     (p.  655  f.) 


CHAPTER  XIV 
PLAY  AND  INTELLIGENCE 

In  the  preceding  chapter  it  was  pointed  out  that  pedagogically 
retarded  children  are  inclined  to  turn  more  frequently  to  social  plays 
and  games  than  pedagogically  normal  or  accelerated  ones.  One  logi- 
cally inquires  whether  the  tendency  to  turn  frequently  to  social  plays 
and  games  is  a  function  of  low  intelligence,  for  it  seems  reasonable  to 
assume  that  the  children  of  low  progress  quotients  are  likewise  of  low 
I.  Q,  Dickson  maintains  that  the  chief  cause  of  over-ageness  is  in- 
ferior mentality/ 

It  seems  reasonable  also  to  assume  then  that  the  intelligence  of 
children  who  are  accelerated  in  school  is  above  the  average.  However, 
acceleration  is  less  closely  associated  with  mental  superiority  than  is 
retardation  with  mental  inferiority.  This  is  proven  by  the  fact  that, 
although  there  are  equal  numbers  of  inferior  and  superior  mentality 
respectively,  the  over-age  children  outnumber  the  under-age  ones  by 
a  ratio  of  7:1.^  * 

The  selection  of  accelerated  school  children  does  not  afford  an 
adequate  sampling  of  mentally  superior  children  since  many  of  mental 
superiority  are  not  permitted  to  progress  in  school  at  a  rate  commen- 
surate with  their  capacities  for  achieving.  Hollingworth  has  stated  that 
"nearly  all  children  of  I.  Q.  above  150  could  enter  high  school  at  eleven 
years  of  age,  and  college  at  fifteen  years  or  earlier.  They  could  be 
graduated  from  college  at  an  age  not  far  from  that  at  which  adolescents 
ordinarily  enter."  ^ 

The  objections  to  the  plan  suggested  by  Hollingworth  are  based 
chiefly  upon  the  discrepancies  between  intellectual  maturity  on  the 
one  hand  and  social  maturity  on  the  other.  Before  acceleration  is 
adopted  as  a  feasible  means  of  providing  educational  opportunity  for 
superior  children,  it  is  desirable  to  estimate  the  social  adjustment  of 

*  In  1925  the  per  cents  of  over-ageness  and  under-ageness  in  Kansas  City,  Missouri, 
were  23.0  and  9.4  respectively. 

212 


PLAY  AND  INTELLIGENCE  213 

children  whose  mental  ability  is  above  average.  It  is  necessary,  there- 
fore, to  examine  not  only  the  exceptionally  gifted  but  also  groups  of 
children  of  all  degrees  of  intelligence  above  I.  Q.  100.  The  relatively 
superior  need  adequate  educational  opportunity  as  well  as  the  ex- 
ceptionally gifted. 

The  present  writers  have  secured  extensive  data  regarding  the  play 
behavior  of  several  thousand  children  of  I.  Q.'s  ranging  from  70-145, 
and  of  mental  ages  ranging  from  7^  to  18^.*  The  Lehman  Play 
Quiz  was  employed  to  secure  the  play  data.  The  children  were  asked 
to  indicate  among  a  comprehensive  and  catholic  list  of  200  activities 
only  those  in  which  they  had  participated  ditring  the  preceding  week. 
They  were  later  asked  to  indicate  the  three  activities  enjoyed  most, 
ranking  them  in  order  of  merit.  They  were  then  instructed  to  designate 
that  activity  which  consumed  the  greatest  amount  of  time,  and  they 
were  finally  asked  to  mark  all  of  the  activities  in  which  they  had 
participated  alone.  Data  regarding  intelligence  were  secured  by  the 
use  of  the  National  Intelligence  Test  and  the  Terman  Group  Test. 

Table  LXVIII  presents  the  mean  number  of  play  activities  par- 
ticipated in  and  the  mean  indices  of  social  participation  for  6886 
children  arrayed  by  chronological  age.  The  index  of  social  participa- 
tion was  obtained  in  the  following  manner:  Each  child  was  asked  to 
.indicate  those  activities  in  the  Play  Quiz  in  which  he  had  participated 
alone.  Those  participated  in  in  company  with  one  or  more  other  chil- 
dren will  be  designated  social  activities  in  the  following  discussion. 
The  percentage  of  the  total  activities  that  the  social  activities  repre- 
sented was  designated  the  index  of  social  participation.  Thus  an  index 
of  social  participation  of  80  indicates  that  80  per  cent  of  the  activities 
engaged  in  by  the  child  were  ones  in  which  one  or  more  other  children 
also  took  part.  From  Table  LXVIII  it  is  apparent  that  with  increase 
in  chronological  age  there  existed  a  marked  narrowing  of  the  play  in- 
terests of  the  child  and  a  slight  restriction  in  his  participation  in  social 
plays  and  games. 

Table  LXX  displays  the  mean  nuniber  of  activities  participated  in 
and  the  mean  indices  of  social  participation  for  the  children  assembled 
according  to  mental  age.  Table  LXX  shows  clearly  that  the  children 
of  higher  mental  ages  engaged  in  fewer  activities  than  those  of  lower 

*  The  writers  are  indebted  to  Miss  Edith  Lewis  for  assistance  in  assembling  these  data. 


214  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

mental  ages.     The  table  shows  too  that  with  increase  in  mental  age, 
participation  in  social  activities  was  lessened. 

When  Table  LXX  is  compared  with  Table  LXVIII  it  is  at  once 
apparent  that  the  index  of  social  participation  diminishes  slightly  more 
rapidly  with  increase  in  mental  age  than  with  increase  in  chronological 
age.* 


TA 

BLE  LXX 

Play  Data 

FOR  3,176  Children 
Mean  Index 

of  Social 

Mean  Number 

M.A. 

Frequencies 

Participation 

of  Activities 

ly^ 

22 

71.47 

49.33 

sy2 

68 

67.38 

43.78 

9^ 

144 

61.66 

41.35 

lOJ^ 

222 

62.17 

41.09 

iiy2 

380 

58.26 

39.11 

uy 

414 

55.36 

32.42 

\2,y 

463 

53.77 

30.63 

uy 

410 

54.28 

27.99 

isy 

461 

52.62 

30.13 

uy 

423 

51.48 

32.26 

iiy 

146 

50.73 

32.10 

isy 

23 

46.41 

30.54 

Total 

3176 

Intensive  study  of  mentally  retarded  children  revealed  a  tendency 
for  such  children  to  engage  more  frequently  than  normal  children  in 
social  plays  and  games.  It  is  true  of  course  that  feebleminded  chil- 
dren are  unlikely  to  engage  in  any  type  of  play  unless  urged  to  do  so. 
The  conspicuous  tendency  to  turn  to  social  activities  therefore  holds 
only  for  those  children  of  I.  Q.  70-100. 

In  Chapter  XIII  (Table  LXIX,  p.  208)  data  were  presented  show- 
ing that  pedagogcially  retarded  children  evince  also  marked  interest 
in  plays  and  games  in  which  others  participate.  Analysis  of  the  data 
reveals  further  that  the  dull  child  tends  to  avoid  certain  individual 
activities,  notably  those  involving  reading,  an  ability  in  which  he  is 
conspicuously  weak. 

*As  this  chapter  goes  to  press,  but  too  late  to  make  corrections  in  the  text,  the 
authors  have  secured  data  which  seem  to  indicate  that,  when  chronological  age  is  held 
constant,  mental  age  is  less  potent  than  chronological  age  in  influencing  play  behavior 
except  at  the  extremes  of  the  distribution  of  intelligence.  The  figures  presented  in  Table 
LXXI  are  correct  but  the  youngest  mental  age  group  is  not  a  random  mental  age  sampling 
since  it  contains  no  children  less  than  7y  years  in  chronological  age.  Similarly,  the  oldest 
mental  age  group  is  not  a  random  sampling  since  it  contains  few,  if  any,  individuals  more 
than  l&y  years  in  chronological  age. 


PLAY  AND  INTELLIGENCE  215 

It  appears  from  these  data  that  increase  in  mental  age  has  rela- 
tively little  effect  upon  versatility  of  play  interest;  that  children  of 
widely  varying  mental  ages  engage  in  approximately  the  same  number 
of  activities  as  do  children  with  the  same  range  of  chronological  ages^ 
It  is  interesting,  however,  that  participation  in  social  plays  and  games 
decreases  more  rapidly  with  increase  in  mental  age  than  with  increase 
in  chronological  age.  The  mean  indices  of  social  participation  for  the 
children  of  three  different  age  levels  is  shown  in  the  following  table: 


TABLE 

LXXI 

C.A. 
M.A. 

7% 
7/2 

Index  of 
Social  Participation 

62.01 
71.47     ' 

C.A. 

M.A 

ny2 
11^ 

58.12 
58.26 

C.A. 

M.A. 

18J^ 

18K 

52.32 
46.41 

How  can  one  account  for  the  fact  that  with  increase  in  mental 
maturity,  there  exists  such  a  decrease  in  participation  in  social  activi- 
ties? Two  hj^otheses  are  presented  by  the  writers  as  possible  ones 
for  explaining  this  phenomenon. 

First,  it  seems  likely  that  many  group  activities  are  of  such  a  nature 
that  low  mentality  does  not  preclude  equal  opportunity  for  success 
therein.  On  the  other  hand,  inferior  mental  ability  militates  against 
success  in  many  individual  or  solitary  activities,  particularly  in  reading 
activities.  Therefore,  group  activities  may  furnish  escape  mechanisms 
through  which  the  child  of  restricted  ability  is  able  to  compensate  for 
his  lack  of  success  in  certain  solitary  activities.* 

In  this  regard,  too,  it  seems  probable  that  the  expression  of  in- 
telligence as  gauged  by  the  group  mental  test  is  an  expression  of  the 
reading  ability  of  the  individual  to  a  large  degree.  It  seems  probable 
then  that  the  very  nature  of  the  group  intelligence  test  would  posit  an 
inordinate  interest  in  reading  activities  on  the  part  of  those  who  succeed 
well  upon  such  a  test.    The  individual  reading  activities  are  the  very 

*  It  would  perhaps  be  more  logical  to  regard  reading  activities  as  escape  mechanisms. 
It  might  then  be  asserted  that  certain  chiMren  of  exceptional  mentality  use  reading  as 
an  escape  mechanism  to  compensate  for  their  lack  of  success  in  certain  social  activities. 


216  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

ones  best  liked  and  most  frequently  engaged  in  by  the  children  of 
advanced  mental  ages  who  were  studied  by  the  writers. 

The  assertion  may  be  made  with  some  fairness  that  the  mental  age 
rating  of  the  child  is  but  an  expression  of  his  reading  ability  and  that 
the  findings  herein  reported  are  simply  corroborative  evidence  of  the 
inadequacy  of  the  group  intelligence  test  in  gauging  the  true  mental 
ability  of  the  child.  The  validity  of  such  a  charge  will  depend  up©n 
the  ultimate  decision  as  to  what  the  group  intelligence  test  actually 
measures. 

The  following  discussion  of  50  gifted  children  reveals  certain  sig- 
nificant differences  between  normal  children  and  gifted  ones  in  their 
play  life. 

THE  PLAY  BEHAVIOR  OF  FIFTY  GIFTED  CHILDREN* 

There  has  been  a  great  deal  of  speculation  regarding  the  play 
behavior  of  gifted  children.  One  of  the  most  recent  studies  of  the 
play  of  gifted  children  was  made  by  Terman.*  ^  The  subjects  rated 
90  play  activities  with  respect  to  their  interest  in  them,  their  knowl- 
edge of  them,  and  the  time  devoted  to  them.  Terman  concluded  that 
"The  gifted  are  somewhat  less  interested  than  the  control  pupils  in 
the  more  active  plays  and  somewhat  more  interested  in  intellectual  and 
sedentary  games."  ^ 

The  present  writers  secured  extensive  play  data  from  fifty  chil- 
dren of  I.  Q.  140  or  above  (Stanford  Revision  of  Binet-Simon  Test 
Rating).  It  was  felt  that  intensive  study  of  a  relatively  small  group 
would  lead  to  salient  results.**  Forty-two  of  these  children  were  iden- 
tified in  grades  3-7  of  the  public  schools  of  Kansas  City,  Missouri; 
eight  were  chosen  from  neighboring  towns.  Each  gifted  child  was 
paired  with  a  mentally  average  child  (I.  Q.  90-110)  of  like  age,  sex 
and  environment.  Effort  was  made  to  secure  average  children  in  refer- 
ence to  mental  age,  educational  age,  and  school  progress.  The  study 
was  conducted  in  Jan.,  1926.  Nine  months  previous  a  similar  study 
was  made  by  the  writers,  using  practically  the  same  group  of  gifted  chil- 
dren. In  the  first  study  the  pairing  device  was  not  utilized.  Compari- 
sons were  made  with  general  standards  obtained  from  large  groups  of 

*  The  term  "gifted"  as  here  employed  posits  I.Q.  of  140  or  above  (Stanford  Revision 
of  Binet-Simon  Test  Ratine) .    No  other  implications  are  intended  by  the  writers. 

*  See  The  Journal  of  Educational  Psychology,  April,  1927. 


PLAY  AND  INTELLIGENCE  217 

unselected  children.     It  was   found,  however,  that  the   two  studies 
tended  to  corroborate  each  other. 

The  Stanford  Achievement  Test,  Form  A,  was  employed  to  measure 
educational  attainment  of  the  gifted  children.  The  mean  subject 
quotient  (subject  age  divided  by  chronological  age)  was  computed  for 
each  section  of  the  test.  The  means  ranged  from  128-153.  The  high- 
est mean  was  for  reading,  the  next  highest  language  usage,  the  lowest 
spelling.  The  children  indicated  that  reading  was  the  best-liked 
subject  and  spelling  the  least-liked.  The  mean  educational  quotient 
was  132.8.  This  signifies  that  the  typical  child  in  the  group  studied 
had  already  mastered  the  subject  matter  32.8  per  cent  of  his  age 
beyond  the  norm  for  his  age.  The  progress  quotient  for  the  group 
was  114.  The  typical  child  in  the  group  was  accelerated,  therefore, 
14  per  cent  of  his  age.  The  difference  between  32.8  per  cent  and  14 
per  cent  is  18.8  per  cent.  The  typical  gifted  child  in  this  group  was 
under-promoted  18.8  per  cent  of  his  actual  educational  age.  He  was 
held  back  redoing  work  that  he  already  knew  and  pursuing  methods 
already  mastered.  Such  findings  corroborate  those  of  Terman  and 
De  Voss/ 

VERSATILITY  OF  PLAY  INTEREST 

The  gifted  group  was  compared  with  the  control  in  reference  to 
the  number  of  activities  in  which  the  two  groups  took  part.  The 
median  for  the  gifted  group  was  56.  For  the  control  group  the  median 
was  also  56.  When  the  data  were  assembled  by  sex  it  was  found  that 
the  gifted  girls  engaged  in  a  somewhat  larger  number  of  play  activities 
than  average  girls^  but  that  the  gifted  boys  engaged  in  a  slightly  smaller 
number  of  activities  than  average  boys.  The  writers  feel  that  the 
differences  are  insignificant  as  the  differences  were  small. 

When  the  group  of  gifted  children  was  considered  as  a  whole,  it 
was  found  that  the  median  number  of  activities  participated  in  was 
exactly  the  same  as  the  median  for  the  control  group.  The  two  groups 
of  widely  varying  I.  Q.  did  not  differ  in  the  number  of  play  activities 
in  which  they  engaged.  The  individual  differences  in  this  regard,  how- 
ever, were  conspicuous. 


218  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

SOCIAL  PARTICIPATION 

Indices  of  social  participation  were  assembled  for  the  two  groups. 
The  median  for  the  gifted  group  was  32.0.  For  the  control  group  the 
median  was  41.67.  The  significance  of  the  difference  becomes  more 
evident  when  it  is  stated  that  only  26  per  cent  of  the  gifted  group 
reached  or  exceeded  the  median  of  the  control  group.  Similar  differ- 
ences between  the  gifted  and  the  average  children  were  found  when 
the  data  were  partitioned  for  the  sexes.  A  significant  difference  ap- 
pears to  exist  between  gifted  and  average  children  in  the  kind  of 
activities  engaged  in.  The  gifted  children  engaged  less  frequently 
than  average  children  in  social  plays  and  games.* 

ACTIVITIES  IN   WHICH  GIFTED  CHILDREN  MOST  FREQUENTLY 

TAKE  PART 

The  indices  of  social  participation  gave  evidence  of  the  tendency 
of  gifted  children  to  turn  frequently  to  solitary  games  and  plays.  One 
logically  asks :  WTiat  are  the  games  and  plays  in  which  the  gifted  group 
participated  more  frequently  than  the  average  group?  The  writers 
found  the  percentages  of  each  group  which  took  part  in  the  various 
plays  and  games.  Data  were  assembled  by  sex.  The  gifted  children 
engaged  more  frequently  in  every  play  or  game  listed  in  which  reading 
was  required.  The  following  table  shows  the  percentages  of  the  two 
groups  of  boys  taking  part  in  five  activities,  each  of  which  involves 
reading.  It  will  be  noted  that  100  per  cent  of  the  gifted  boys  engaged 
in  each  of  the  activities  during  the  week  preceding  the  examination. 

TABLE  LXXII 

Percentages  of  the  Two  Groups  of  Boys  Who  Took  Part  in  Five 
Activities,  Each  of  Which  Required  Reading 

Gifted  Control    Per  Cent 

Name  of  Activity                                    Boys  Boys     Difference 

Looking  at  the  Sunday  "funny  paper" 100%  96%               4 

Reading  the  newspapers 100%  88%             12 

Looking  at  the  daily  comic  strips 100%  83%             17 

Reading  or  looking  at  magazines 100%  75%             25 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings 100%  67%             33 

*  See  P.  141  f  for  the  discussion  of  the  Negro  Child's  index  of  social  participation,  and 
p.  205  for  a  discussion  of  indices  of  social  participation  of  children  having  various  progress 
quotients. 


PLAY  AND  INTELLIGENCE  219 

Table  LXXIII  shows  the  activities  in  which  the  two  groups  of  boys 
differed  most  in  respect  to  frequency  of  participation.  Data  are  pre- 
sented showing  the  percentages  of  each  group  which  participated  in  a 
given  activity,  and  the  differences  between  the  two  groups. 

TABLE  LXXIII 

Activities  in  Which  the  Two  Groups  of  Boys  Differ  Most  in  Re- 
spect TO  Participation 

A.  Activities  more  frequently  engaged  in  by  the  gifted  boys. 

Gifted  Control  Per  Cent 

Name  of  Activity  Boys  Boys  Difference 

Reading  jokes  or  funny  sayings 100%  67%  33 

Going  to  entertainments,  concerts,  etc 50%  21%  29 

Reading  or  looking  at  magazines 100%  75%  25 

Doing  stunts  in  the  gymnasium 46%  29%  17 

Looking  at  the  daily  comic  strips 100%  83%  17 

Watching  athletic  sports 75%  58%  17 

B.     Activities   less    generally    engaged   in   by   the   gifted    boys. 

Gifted  Control  Per  Cent 

Name  of  Activity  Boys  Boys  Difference 

Chewing  gum 50%  88%  38 

Using  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun.  . .  42%  75%  33 

Running  races   46%  79%  33 

Jumping  for  height 13%  46%  ZZ 

Boxing   13%o  42%o  29 

Hide  and  seek 4%  25%  21 

Baseball  with  a  hard  ball 21%  A2%  21 

Although  the  gifted  boys  engaged  in  approximately  the  same  num- 
ber of  activities  as  the  average  boys,  they  chose  more  often  games 
which  are  comparatively  solitary  and  sedentary  in  nature.  Particu- 
larly noticeable  is  the  sedentary  nature  of  five  of  the  six  activities  in 
which  the  gifted  boys  more  often  engaged  than  average  boys.  Those 
activities  in  which  gifted  boys  participated  less  commonly  are  pre- 
dominantly of  a  motor  type — active,  vigorous  plays  and  games. 

One  of  the  activities  less  commonly  engaged  in  by  the  gifted  than 
by  the  control  group  is  No.  11  "Boxing."    The  following  tabulation 

*  See  p.  13  f  for  a  discussion  of  the  relative  extents  to  which  white  children  and  Negro 
v-hildren  engage  in  boxing. 


220  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

indicates  that  the  gifted  boys  were  found  to  box  less  frequently  than 
average  boys.* 

TABLE  LXXIV 
Percentages  of  the  Two  Groups  of  Boys  That  Engaged  In  Boxing 


Unsclected  boys 

Twenty-four  gifted  boys  (I.Q.  140  or  above) 


Present 

Previous 

Study 

_  Study 

42% 

31% 

13% 

19% 

These  findings  do  not  justify  the  generalization  that  gifted  boys 
find  less  interest  in  most  activities  which  are  motor  in  nature.  Some 
active,  vigorous  plays  and  games  were  engaged  in  more  often  by  the 
gifted  boys  than  by  the  control  boys.  "Tennis,"  "Flaying  ball  with 
an  indoor  or  playground  ball,"  "Doing  stunts  in  the  gymnasium,"  and 
"Doing  gymnasium  work,"  are  physical  activities  in  which  the  gifted 
group  exceeded  the  control  in  frequency  of  participation. 

It  is,  however,  particularly  noticeable  that,  although  the  gifted 
child  engaged  in  some  vigorous  plays,  he  most  often  turned  in  his 
leisure  to  sedentary  activities  or  to  moderately  active  games.  It  is 
especially  significant  that  he  turned  much  more  frequently  to  activities 
which  involved  reading. 

Another  significant  characteristic  of  gifted  children  is  revealed  by 
the  play  data.  The  gifted  children  chewed  gum  less  frequently  than 
unselected  children.  In  the  present  study  3S  per  cent  less  of  the  gifted 
boys  than  of  the  control  boys  engaged  in  this  activity. 

"Teachers  testify  that  gifted  children  obey  rules  with  less  urging,  that 
very  little  'police  duty'  is  necessary,  that  the  problem  of  discipline  disappears 
with  the  segregation  of  the  gifted  pupils,  that  in  comparison  with  normal 
children,  they  are  more  sensitive  to  criticism  and  more  susceptible  to  cor- 
rection. By  way  of  example,  a  Detroit  teacher  states  that  the  remark 
'Reiined  people  do  not  chew  gum  in  public,'  made  once  to  a  group  of  gifted 
pupils  was  sufficient,  while  in  a  class  composed  of  normal  children,  exposed 
to  the  same  suggestion,  no  fewer  than  fifteen  pupils  in  the  period  of  one 
week  were  asked  to  remove  gum  from  their  mouths."  ^ 

Miss  Davis'  conclusion  is  corroborated  by  the  teachers'  judgments 
of  the  gifted  group  studied  by  the  present  writers.     The  teachers  re- 


PLAY  AND  INTELLIGENCE  221 

ported  that  98  per  cent  of  the  group  respond  well  to  discipline.    Only- 
one  child  seemed  to  provide  difficulty  in  the  classroom  in  this  regard. 

BEST  LIKED  ACTIVITIES  AND  ACTIVITIES   CONSUMING 

MOST  TIME 

The  data  were  assembled  in  reference  to  "best  liked  activities." 
For  both  boys  and  girls  in  the  gifted  group  "Reading  books"  was  the 
activity  which  was  best  liked.  Eighteen  of  the  26  gifted  girls  men- 
tioned" reading  as  the  activity  most  liked.  The  next  most  popular 
activity  was  mentioned  only  three  times.  Only  five  of  the  26  control 
girls  indicated  reading  books  to  be  a  favorite  activity.  Aside  from  the 
general  agreement  upon  reading,  there  was  no  unanimity  among  the 
gifted  as  to  their  choices.  Versatility  of  interest  and  tremendous  in- 
dividual differences  were  displayed.  When  the  activities  involving 
reading  were  eliminated,  there  was  little  difference  between  the  groups 
in  regard  to  favorite  activities. 

Data  were  obtained  in  regard  to  "activities  consuming  the  most 
time."  For  both  the  boys  and  the  girls  of  the  gifted  group,  "Reading 
books"  was  mentioned  most  frequently.  Nineteen  of  the  gifted  girls 
and  ten  of  the  gifted  boys  cite  "Reading  books"  as  the  activity  consum- 
ing more  of  their  leisure  time  than  any  other  one  activity,  while  only 
three  girls  and  one  boy  in  the  control  groups  so  responded. 

The  writers  attempted  to  classify  the  activities  in  which  the  two 
groups  spent  the  greatest  share  of  their  time  in  five  groups  from  very 
active  plays  and  games  to  sedentary  ones.  When  reading  activities 
were  eliminated  from  the  list,  there  were  no  conspicuous  differences 
between  the  two  groups  of  children  in  respect  to  types  of  activities  con- 
suming the  greatest  amount  of  time. 

The  number  and  the  diversity  of  the  gifted  group's  favorite  play 
activities  and  the  wide  range  in  the  activities  reported  as  consuming 
the  largest  amount  of  time  give  convincing  evidence  that  mental 
superiority  does  not  manifest  itself  exclusively  in  an  inordinate  fond- 
ness for  reading.  The  gifted  child  is  interested  in  reading  but  he  has 
other  interests  also. 


222  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

SUMMARY 

Over  3,000  elementary  school  children  in  Kansas  City,  Missouri, 
were  given  the  Lehman  Play  Quiz  and  either  the  National  or  the 
Terman  Intelligence  Test.  The  data  were  assembled  according  to 
mental  age  and  I.  Q.  and  the  play  data  examined. 

It  was  found  that  with  increase  of  mental  age,  there  existed  a  ten- 
dency for  the  children  to  engage  in  fewer  activities.  The  change  was 
gradual  and  the  differences  in  the  number  of  activities  from  age  to  age 
were  not  especially  large.  With  increase  in  mental  age,  there  was 
a  tendency  for  the  children  to  engage  progressively  in  smaller  numbers 
of  plays  and  games  of  a  social  nature.  The  children  of  lower  mental 
ages  were  found  to  be  considerably  more  social  in  their  play  than  those 
of  the  higher  levels. 

These  data  are  corroborated  by  other  findings  of  the  present  writers 
who  found  that  pedagogically  retarded  children  turned  to  social  plays 
and  games  more  frequently  than  normal  or  accelerated  ones.  (See 
Chap.  III.)  Collectively,  the  data  give  evidence  of  a  consistent  ten- 
dency for  the  dull  or  retarded  school  child  to  evince  an  unusual  interest 
in  games  in  which  others  take  part.  They  show  further  that  the  dull 
or  retarded  child  avoids  certain  individual  activities,  notably  those  in- 
volving reading,  an  ability  in  which  he  is  conspicuously  weak. 

Fifty  children  of  I.  Q.  140  and  above  were  selected  for  intensive 
study.  Each,  gifted  child  was  paired  with  a  mentally  average  child  of 
like  age,  sex  and  environment.  The  two  groups  were  compared  and 
the  following  facts  disclosed: 

The  gifted  group  and  the  control  group  of  children  demonstrated 
the  same  versatility  of  interest  in  play  and  engaged  in  the  same  number 
of  activities. 

The  gifted  children  included  in  this  study  were  found  to  be  more 
solitary  in  their  play  than  average  children.* 

The  gifted  group  engaged  more  frequently  in,  and  spent  more  time 
upon,  and  preferred  to  a  greater  extent  than  the  control  group,  activi- 
ties involving  reading. 

The  gifted  children  tended  to  avoid  certain  types  of  vigorous  phys- 

*  The  solitariness  of  the  gifted  children  was  not  due  to  the  fact  that  they  had  few 
brothers  and  sisters,  for  the  only  child  is  but  slightly  less  social  than  the  average  child. 


PLAY  AND  INTELLIGENCE  223 

ical  play.  However,  the  gifted  group  participated  more  often  than  the 
control  group  in  certain  active  plays  and  games  although  on  the  whole 
less  frequently  in  the  extremely  active  plays  and  games. 

Although  the  gifted  group  devoted  much  more  time  than  the  con- 
trol group  to  reading,  the  number  of  activities  in  which  both  groups 
took  part  was  the  same.  Normal  versatility  of  play  interest  may  be 
pointed  to,  therefore,  as  a  characteristic  of  the  group  of  gifted  children. 

REFERENCES 

1.  Terman  et  al.  Intelligence  Tests  and  School  Reorganization.  Yonkers-on-the- 
Hudson.    World  Book  Co.     1923.     Pp.  viii-111.     Chap.  II. 

2.  McCall,  William  A.  How  to  Measure  in  Education.  New  York.  The  Macmillan 
Co.   1922.     Pp.  xii-416.      (p.  22,.) 

3.  Hollingworth,  Leta  S.  Gijted  Children.  New  York.  The  Macmillan  Company. 
1926.     Pp.  xxii-374.     (p.  298.) 

4.  Terman,  Lewis  M.  "The  Physical  and  Mental  Traits  of  Gifted  Children." 
Twenty-Third  Yearbook  of  the  National  Society  for  the  Study  of  Education.  Blooming- 
ton,  lUinois.  The  Public  School  Publishing  Company.  1924.  Part  I.  443  pp. 
(pp.  1S5-169.) 

5.  Terman,  Lewis  M.,  et  al.  Genetic  Studies  of  Genius.  Palo  Alto,  California. 
Stanford  University  Press.     Vol.  I.     1925.  pp.  xv-648.      (pp.   437-9.) 

6.  Terman,  Lewis  M.  Twenty-Third  Yearbook  of  the  National  Society  for  the  Study 
of  Education,     op.  cit.     p.  163  f. 

7.  Terman,  Lewis  M.  and  De  Voss,  James  C.  Twenty-Third  Yearbook  of  the 
National  Society  for  the  Study  of  Education,     op.  cit.    Part  I.     Chapter  10. 

8.  Davis,  Helen.  "Personal  and  Social  Characteristics  of  Gifted  Children."  Twenty- 
Third  Yearbook  of  the  National  Society  for  the  Study  of  Education.  Bloomington, 
Illinois.    The  PubKc  School  Publishing  Company.     1924.    Part  I.    443  pp.     (pp.  134  ff.) 


CHAPTER  XV 

PLAY  IN  RELATION  TO  EDUCATION  AND 
VOCATIONAL  GUIDANCE 

SUPERVISION  OF  PLAY 

It  has  been  emphasized  repeatedly  throughout  this  book  that  the 
teacher  must  accept  the  responsibility  for  supervising  the  play  life  of 
the  child.  In  order  that  intelligent  supervision  may  ensue,  it  is  neces- 
sary of  course  to  have  fairly  complete  data  at  hand  regarding  the 
play  behavior  of  each  child. 

There  are  several  reasons  for  supervising  carefully  the  total  play 
life  of  the  child.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  essential  that  the  educator 
identify  the  extremely  solitary  child,  plan  remedial  measures,  and  de- 
vise an  accounting  system  by  which  the  success  of  remedial  work  may 
be  gauged.  That  some  evaluation  of  the  play  life  of  children  is  essen- 
tial in  estimating  their  adjustment  is  evidenced  by  the  following  quota- 
tion: 

"They  (psychopathic  children)  do  not  play  contentedly.  Other  children 
are  not  safe  always  with  them.  They  do  not  get  along  well  with  children  of 
their  own  age."  ^ 

Morgan  in  discussing  the  characteristics  of  the  introvertive  type 
of  person  states: 

"He  is  of  seclusive  disposition.  He  prefers  to  play  and  work  alone.  He 
can  be  found  by  himself  when  the  rest  are  all  heartily  entering  into  some 
community  activity."  ^ 

There  is  need  also  of  supervision  in  the  case  of  the  child  who  plays 
too  much,  who  neglects  some  essential  phases  of  personality  develop- 
ment in  order  that  he  may  turn  frequently  to  certain  plays  and,  games. 

There  has  been  no  adequate  technique  which  the  supervisor  or 
teacher  might  use  in  evaluating  the  amount  and  the  character  of  play. 

224 


RELATION  TO  EDUCATION  225 

The  technique  described  by  the  writers  in  Chapter  IV  enables  the 
teacher  to  identify  easily  and  quickly  those  children  who  deviate 
markedly  in  their  play  behavior.  It  enables  the  teacher  to  identify  the 
child  who  takes  part  in  a  conspicuously  small  number  of  activities.  It 
permits  identification  of  the  child  who  takes  part  in  an  excessively  large 
number  of  plays  and  games.  It  is  obvious  that  the  child  who  is  lack- 
ing in  diversity  of  play  interests  will  need  to  be  actuated  in  this  regard. 
Similarly,  the  child  whose  play  life  is  excessive  in  diversity  will  need 
to  be  directed  properly. 

The  use  of  the  index  of  social  participation*  permits  the  identifica- 
tion of  the  child  who  is  solitary  in  his  play  life.  A  complete  case  study 
of  such  a  child  is  essential;  however,  one  form  of  adjustment  must 
come  through  redirection  of  his  play.  Particularly  important  is  the 
identification  of  certain  children  who  during  adolescence  tend  to  avoid 
social  contacts  and  develop  "turned  in"  personalities.  The  first  step 
in  proper  adjustment  is  diagnosis.  The  technique  described  by  the 
writers  may  be  employed  in  securing  salient  data  in  this  regard. 

The  technique  may  be  utilized  similarly  in  identification  and  diag- 
nosis of  the  child  who  takes  part  too  frequently  in  social  plays  and 
games,  neglecting  thereby  essential  features  of  maximum  individual 
development. 

Modern  educators  are  becoming  increasingly  aware  of  the  need  of 
direct  supervision  of  play.  Certain  modern  schools  are  providing  lim- 
ited types  of  supervision.  Mr.  R.  L.  Lyman  makes  the  following  state- 
ment regarding  play  supervision  in  Atlanta,  Georgia: 

"Supervised  play  is  a  regular  part  of  the  school  program  for  all  physically 
capable  children.  Physical  education  for  boys  begins  with  a  ten-minute 
period  of  military  tactics  followed  by  ten  minutes  of  formal  gymnastics  in 
groups  and  a  twenty-minute  play  period.  The  instructor  makes  certain  that 
the  boys  play  all  sorts  of  games,  although  the  formal  side  is  not  stressed."  ^ 

The  question  immediately  arises  as  to  whether  the  supervision  of 
the  boys'  play  ceases  with  the  ending  of  the  twenty-minute  period. 
Most  persons  will  agree  readily  that  really  adequate  supervision  of 
play  must  take  into  account  much  more  than  a  child's  activity  during 
a  twenty-minute  period  spent  on  the  school  playground.    However,  the 

*  Described  in  Chap.  IX,  pp.  132  ff.  -  - 


226  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

problem  of  adequate  supervision  of  play  is  by  no  means  a  simple  one. 
It  is  possible  to  rob  play  activity  of  its  spontaneity  by  means  of  un- 
wise supervision.    The  following  quotation  evidences  this  danger. 

"Valuable  as  supervision  is,  not  all  play  should  be  supervised.  .  .  .  When 
play  is  supervised  there  are  some  serious  dangers  which  must  be  avoided  if 
it  is  to  be  a  truly  educational  factor  ...  it  is  often  the  case  that  the  teacher 
or  supervisor  introduces  plays  for  which  the  children  are  not  ready.  .  .  . 
Perhaps  the  greatest  danger  of  all  in  supervised  play  is  that  the  initiative 
"will  come  from  the  adult  instead  of  from  the  child.  When  this  is  true, 
even  though  children  seek  the  direction  and  guidance,  one  of  the  greatest 
values  of  play  is  gone.  The  initiative,  the  motive  force  must  come  from 
the  children  if  their  play  is  to  them  really  natural.  When  there  is  too  much 
direction  the  essential  character  of  the  activity  may  be  changed  for  children, 
and  what  in  form  is  play  may  be  work;  when  this  happens,  the  value  of 
both  play  and  work  is  diminished.  The  very  fact  that  the  supervisor  or 
teacher  is  an  adult,  and  that  the  players  are  children,  makes  educative  super- 
vision very  difficult.  Adults  must  efface  themselves  more,  they  must  play 
the  role  of  observers  more  effectively,  the  doctrine  of  'hands  off'  must  be 
applied  more  often  in  dealing  with  children  both  in  their  work  and  in  their 
play  if  they  are  to  reap  the  full  benefit  of  their  activity."  * 

Most  persons  Vv^ould  agree  that  it  is  sometimes  best  for  the  play 
supervisor  to  adopt  the  doctrine  of  "hands  off."  However,  it  is  none 
the  less  desirable  for  him  to  make  careful  studies  of  the  child's  play 
behavior.  These  studies  should  provide  extensive  factual  data  regard- 
ing the  play  life  of  each  child. 

CURRICULUM  CONSTRUCTION  * 

The  importance  of  utilizing  the  play  life  of  the  child  in  choosing 
materials  of  instruction  has  been  emphasized  by  many  thoughtful  edu- 
cators. According  to  Bobbitt,  the  first  step  in  curriculum  construction 
is  that  of  analyzing  the  broad  range  of  human  experience  into  its  major 
fields.  The  major  fields  of  human  action  having  been  defined,  the  sec- 
ond step  is  that  of  analyzing  these  major  fields  into  their  more  specific 
activities.^    After  this  work  has  been  done,  evaluation  of  the  worth  of 

*  For  a  more  complete  discussion  of  this  subject  see  Chap.  14  of  Supplementary 
Educational  Monograph,  No.  31,  "Curriculum  Investigations."  Chicago,  The  University 
of  Chicago  Press.     1926. 


RELATION  TO  EDUCATION  227 

the  specific  activities  proceeds,.  Bobbitt  suggests  that  that  part  of  the 
curriculum  which  has  to  do  with  training  for  the  profitable  use  of 
leisure  be  made  up  of  the  worthwhile  activities  to  which  human  beings 
spontaneously  turn.  The  plan  posits,  of  course,  concentrated  attack 
upon  the  elimination  of  various  undesirable  activities. 

Professor  Bobbitt's  procedure  for  making  curricula  is  based  upon 
the  assumption  that  education  is  a  matter  of  human  experience  rather 
than  a  matter  of  textbook  memorization  followed  by  lesson  hearing.  ^ 

The  evaluation  of  the  play  life  of  the  child  is  therefore  a  requisite 
in  the  construction  of  one  part  of  the  curriculum.  The  devices  em- 
ployed by  the  present  writers  have  revealed  those  activities  to  which 
individuals  spontaneously  turn.  It  seems  important  that  effort  be 
made  to  enable  children  most  profitably  to  engage  in  those  activities 
in  which  they  will  take  part  ultimately. 

Professor  Briggs  has  asserted  that  the  school  should  teach  the  child 
to  do  better  the  things  that  he  will  do  whether  he  be  instructed  or 
uninstructed  regarding  them.'^  It  seems  logical  that  the  duty  of  the 
school  is  to  so  train  a  child  that  he  will  be  equipped  not  only  to  take 
part  in  the  experiences  of  the  world  of  actuality  but  will  be  prepared  to 
modify  these  experiences  so  as  to  promote  human  welfare. 

Curriculum  construction  approached  from  such  a  point  of  view 
posits  a  marked  revision  in  educational  objectives.  At  the  present 
time  the  progressive  teacher  seeks  not  only  to  teach  informational 
material  but  to  develop  also  desirable  ideals  and  attitudes.  The  value 
^of  non-functioning  knowledge  is  being  questioned  seriously.  Class- 
room instruction  must  be  evaluated  in  terms  of  its  power  to  modify 
pupil-conduct. 

It  is  clear  that  in  such  an  educational  program  the  first  step  must 
be  to  ascertain  what  pupils  of  various  ages  actually  da  outside  the 
classroom.  One  part  of  such  an  accounting  requires  a  careful  compila- 
tion of  the  activities  to  which  children  spontaneously  turn  in  their 
leisure.  These  activities  constitute  their  play  life.  To  make  desirable 
modifications  in  conduct  it  is  necessary  first  to  know  what  children 
actually  do  now. 

It  may  be  noted  from  the  tables  presented  in  this  book  that  one  of 
the  activities  in  which  the  children  studied  most  frequently  partici- 
pated was  "Reading  the  newspapers."    It  is  significant  and  vital  that 


228  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

the  school  recognize  this  fact  and  utilize  it  in  curriculum  construction. 
It  seems  sensible  that  the  school  should  educate  children  to  engage 
more  profitably  in  this  activity. 

Another  activity  of  high  frequency  was  "Going  to  the  movies." 
Over  50  per  cent  of  individuals  of  ages  9^4  to  22^  reported  that  they 
had  gone  to  the  cinema  at  least  once  during  the  week  preceding  each 
of  the  several  investigations.  It  is  obvious  that  there  is  a  danger  as 
well  as  a  possibility  of  value  accruing  from  movmg-picture  show  atten- 
dance.   The  school  should  turn  this  activity  to  good  account. 

Another  important  result  of  the  investigation  was  the  conspicuous 
fact  that  children  at  particular  ages  tend  to  engage  very  frequently  in 
certain  activities.  One  example  only  of  this  phenomenon  will  be  given 
and  the  implications  for  education  pointed  out. 

One  of  the  activities  included  in  the  list  was  "Playing  with  hammer, 
saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun."  Marked  seasonal  differences  were  not  re- 
vealed by  the  data  secured  in  response  to  this  item.  The  similarity  of 
the  results  obtained  from  each  of  the  investigations  was  striking. 

Sex  differences  were  large,  the  girls  using  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc., 
for  fun,  much  less  frequently  than  boys  of  the  same  ages. 

It  was  found  that  the  older  individuals  included  in  the  study  used 
a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  for  fun,  much  less  often  than  the  younger 
ones.  The  transition  from  age  to  age,  however,  was  gradual.  The 
relatively  slight  extent  to  which  the  older  individuals  engaged  in  this 
activity  may  have  been  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  the  older  persons 
were  university  students. 

The  conspicuous  and  vital  fact  is  that  fully  fifty  per  cent  of  the 
boys  of  ages  8^  to  13 >4  used  a  hammer,  saw,  nails,  etc.,  just  for  fun, 
during  the  course  of  the  single  week  preceding  each  of  the  several  in- 
vestigations. Boys  older  than  13^  engaged  somewhat  less  frequently 
in  this  activity.  It  seems,  if  education  is  to  be  life,  and  not  a  prepara- 
tion therefor,  that  this  activity  should  be  stressed  in  the  curriculum  at 
ages  8  J/2  to  13  >4.  The  values  of  such  procedure  are  apparent.  Boys 
will  use  tools  at  these  ages.  They  probably  find  considerable  pleasure 
in  so  doing.  Unguided  use  and  lack  of  preparation  for  use  may  result 
in  waste  of  material^,  deleterious  habits,  and  undesirable  attitudes.  To 
utilize  this  spontaneous  tendency  profitably  at  the  time  when  it  is  most 
conspicuous  is,  therefore,  the  obligation  of  the  educator. 


RELATION  TO  EDUCATION  229 

The  writers  offer  this  one  example  in  the  utilization  of  a  spontaneous 
tendency  at  certain  age  levels  to  illustrate  a  necessary  consideration  in 
curriculum  construction. 


THE   PROBLEM   OF   INTEREST   IN    REFERENCE   TO    CLASSROOM 

INSTRUCTION 

A  problem  of  first  import  to  the  maker  of  curricula  is  the  interest 
factor.  It  is  conceded  that  interest  in  classroom  work  is  essential  for 
maximum  efficiency.  Various  writers  are  cognizant  of  the  need  of 
utilizing  the  interests  of  the  child. 

"Many  a  teacher's  time  and  patience  spent  trying  to  make  the  boy  or  girl 
learn  could  be  better  spent  trying  to  find  out  what  the  boy  or  girl  has  a  will 
to  learn.  Will  being  a  human  engine  that  goes  best  with  certain  fuel  and 
in  certain  directions."  ^ 

Educational  writers  have  long  emphasized  the  need  of  utilizing 
children's  interests  in  order  to  teach  most  efficiently. 

"The  essence  of  mental  hygiene  is  then — interest  for  efficiency;  and  for 
protection,  sleep!"  ^ 

"The  resistance  which  blocks  mental  work  may  be  diminished  by  supply- 
ing interest  and  motive."  ^° 

".  .  .  it  is  a  fact  easily  verifiable  that  interest  does  add  to,  and  repugnance 
does  subtract  from,  the  amount  of  work  done."  ^^ 

The  problem  for  the  educator  becomes  one  of  supplying  abundant 
interesting  material  in  classroom  activities.  More  specifically,  the 
problem  may  be  stated :  What  are  the  factors  or  conditions  which  make 
activities  interesting  to  the  child? 

"The  children  of  a  school  class  may  work  with  doubled  efficiency  simply 
from  learning  the  significance  of  the  work  to  their  wants,  and  associating  the 
work  with  sociability,  cheerfulness,  and  achievement."  ^- 

"The  genuine  principle  of  interest  is  the  principle  of  the  recognized  iden- 
tity of  the  fact  to  be  learned  or  the  action  proposed  Avith  the  growing  self; 
that  it  lies  in  the  direction  of  the  agent's  own  growth,  and  is,  therefore,  im- 
periously demanded,  if  the  agent  is  to  be  himself.  Let  this  condition  of 
identification  once  be  secured,  and  we  have  neither  to  appeal  to  sheer  strength 
or  will,  nor  to  occupy  ourselves  with  making  things  interesting.  .  .  ."  ^^ 


230  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Genuine  interest  then  results  from  the  felt  needs  of  the  children 
for  particular  forms  of  activities. 

A  crucial  problem  for  the  teacher  is  that  of  identifying  the  needs 
of  the  children  and  allowing  these  needs  expression  in  the  self-initiated 
activities  of  the  classroom.  It  seem^s  reasonable  to  assume  that  the 
activities  in  which  children  spontaneously  and  voluntarily  participate 
represent  their  felt  needs.  If  the  teacher  can  identify  these  activities  to 
which  the  children  turn  "just  because  they  want  to"  he  will  have  a  core 
of  genuinely  interesting  activities  which  can  be  used  as  basic  elements 
in  curriculum  construction  and  project  planning. 

The  activities  to  which  children  turn  just  because  they  want  to  may 
be  considered  their  play  behavior.  As  educative  forces,  it  is  apparent 
that  these  activities  are  vital  and  indispensable  tools  to  the  modern 
educator. 

PITFALLS  TO  BE  AVOIDED 

Another  important  finding  of  the  survey  merits  emphasis.  There  is 
danger  that  curricula  will  be  based  upon  the  results  of  investigations 
in  which  past  generations  have  been  used  as  subjects.  The  case  of  col- 
lecting and  hoarding  is  in  point.  Writers  insist  upon  the  utilization  of 
this  proclivity  in  curricula  plannng.  The  investigation  of  C.  F.  Burk 
is  cited.  Burk's  investigation  was  made  in  1900.  The  writers  have 
found  that  children  engage  much  less  frequently  in  this  activity  now 
than  in  1900.  According  to  Burk's  data,  90  per  cent  of  the  boys  and 
91  per  cent  of  the  girls  were  actively  making  collections  at  the  time  of 
her  investigation.^*  The  present  writers  found  barely  10  per  cent  of 
children  of  either  sex  doing  so  at  the  present  time.  It  is  important, 
therefore,  that  makers  of  curricula  ascertain  by  some  technique  the 
actual  interests  of  present-day  children.  The  writers  feel  that  the 
technique  employed  in  the  investigations  herein  reported  is  a  usable  one 
for  obtaining  one  essential  type  of  reasonably  accurate  information. 

THE  PROBLEM  OF  INTEREST  AND  VOCATIONAL  GUIDANCE 

A  problem  of  first  import  to  the  vocational  counselor  is  the  interest 
factor.  It  is  evident  that  interest  alone  is  an  insufficient  criterion  upon 
which  to  base  the  selection  of  one's  life  work.    Individual  aptitude  and 


RELATION  TO  EDUCATION  .         231 

ability  must  be  taken  into  account  also.  It  was  formerly  hoped  that 
the  measurement  of  intelligence  would  afford  an  adequate  criterion  for 
vocational  counseling.  This  criterion  has  been  found  to  be  inadequate. 
Analysis  of  the  army  test  scores  showed  that  although  the  median 
scores  of  the  various  occupational  groups  differed,  the  overlapping  of 
ability  among  members  of  the  various  occupational  groups  was  so  great 
that  it  would  be  unjustifiable  to  attempt  to  use  the  intelligence  score 
singly  as  a  criterion  for  vocational  guidance.  It  is  probable  that  in- 
telligence scores  may  be  used  to  determine  the  range  of  occupations  to 
which  the  child  may  aspire  with  a  reasonable  chance  of  success.  How- 
ever, the  specific  occupation  chosen  by  a  given  child  should  be  based 
upon  his  intrinsic  interests. 

The  term  "intrinsic  interest"  must  not  be  confused  with  the  child's 
passing  fancy  or  temporary  whim.  The  vocational  counselor  must 
evaluate  the  various  interests  of  the  child  in  terms  of  his  ability  and 
in  terms  of  the  individual  or  social  values,  accruing  from  utilization  of 
these  interests  in  further  endeavor.  It  is,  of  course,  true  that  some  of 
the  interests  manifested  by  children  are  the  result  of  undesirable  mo- 
tives. For  examplp,  an  occupation  may  prove  fascinating  to  a  child 
solely  because  it  offers  large  financial  returns,  or  social  prestige,  or  an 
opportunity  to  exercise  authority  over  others.  These  contingencies 
must  be  recognized  and  safeguarded.  It  is  the  function  of  the  voca- 
tional counselor  to  seek  out  the  various  interests  of  the  child,  redirect 
or  eliminate  the  undesirable  ones,  and  turn  the  desirable  ones  to  good 
account. 

In  a  general  way,  interests  may  be  said  to  reveal  abilities.  This  is 
another  reason  why  the  vocational  counselor  needs  to  study  the  child's 
interests. 

"Interests  are  also  shown  to  be  symptomatic,  to  a  very  great  extent,  of 
present  and  future  capacity  or  ability.  Either  because  one  likes  what  he 
can  do  well,  or  because  one  gives  zeal  and  effort  to  what  he  likes,  or  because 
interest  and  ability  are  both  symptoms  of  some  fundamental  feature  of  the 
individual's  original  nature,  or  because  of  the  combined  action  of  all  three 
of  these  factors,  interest  and  ability  are  bound  very  closely  together.  The 
bond  is  so  close  that  either  may  be  used  as  a  symptom  for  the  other  almost 
as  well  as  for  itself."  ^^ 


232  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

Granted  that  interests  are  symptomatic  of  ability,  the  problem  of 
identification  of  intrinsic  interests  is  by  no  means  a  simple  one.  In 
the  first  place,  the  range  of  individual  interests  is  so  great  that  the 
200  items  of  the  Play  Quiz  do  not  provide  alone  a  sampling  of  inter- 
ests for  every  child.  For  individual  diagnosis  it  is,  therefore,  neces- 
sary to  study  carefully  the  items  written  in  the  blank  spaces  that  are 
provided  in  Part  B  of  the  Quiz.  Indeed,  the  activities  listed  in  Part  B 
may  prove  to  be  the  most  significant  indicators  of  individual  interest 
and  aptitude. 

From  analyses  of  the  various  parts  of  the  Quiz,  some  intrinsic 
interests  may  be  identified.  It  is  obvious  that  other  interests,  deep>- 
rooted  and  desirable,  result  from  directed  effort  with  attendant  satisfy- 
ingness.  This  fact  must  be  taken  into  account.  It  seems  reasonable, 
however,  that  a  careful  analysis  of  the  play  life  of  the  child  will 
afford  the  counselor  an  invaluable  tool  in  effective  guidance.  The 
technique  described  by  the  writers  in  Chapter  IV  is  one  which  obtains 
quickly  and  efficiently  extensive  data  regarding  the  play  life  of  the 
child.  Careful  analyses  of  data  so  obtained  should  form  a  part  of 
every  well-ordered  guidance  program.  Through  such  analyses,  inter- 
ests and  perhaps  abilities  also  will  be  revealed. 

A  single  example  will  suffice  to  show  the  value  of  such  a  program. 
Through  the  use  of  the  index  of  social  participation,  it  is  a  relatively 
easy  matter  to  identify  children  who  avoid  social  contacts  in  their 
play  life;  children  who  manifest  an  actual  distaste  for  activities  in- 
volving social  intercourse. 

Repeated  administration  of  the  Quiz  is  necessary  to  identify  with 
certainty  such  children.  It  will  be  desirable  to  plan  remedial  measures 
providing  many  and  diverse  social  contacts  for  some  of  these  children. 
However,  it  may  be  that  some  healthy  and  well-balanced  children  are 
characterized  by  a  tendency  to  withdraw  persistently  from  social  con- 
tacts. They  may  possess  also  superior  mental  capacity  and  aptitude 
for  certain  solitary  activities.  Obviously,  such  children  should  be  di- 
rected into  occupational  channels  for  which  their  abilities  and  inter- 
ests are  best  adapted,  occupations  in  which  they  will  be  happy  and 
through  which  they  can  contribute  their  maximum  to  social  welfare. 

The  values  of  such  a  program  are  many.  Unfortunate  indeed 
is  he  who  is  obliged  to  follow  an  occupation  in  which  he  is  little  inter- 


RELATION  TO  EDUCATION  233 

ested.  Aside  from  the  unhappiness  attendant  upon  such  functioning, 
there  is,  of  course,  the  problem  of  efficiency.  It  is  a  demonstrable 
fact  that  satisfyingness  has  a  favorable  influence  upon  efficiency  even 
if  efficiency  be  considered  only  in  terms  of  the  quantity  and  quality 
of  output  per  unit  of  time. 

Although  it  is  true  that  satisfyingness  adds  to  the  quantity  and 
quality  of  work  done,  there  are  numerous  instances  in  which  output  is 
kept  up  to  the  maximum  through  vast  expenditure  of  effort  attended 
by  sickening  boredom  or  disgust.  The  measurement  of  efficiency 
therefore  should  recognize  the  emotional  products  of  work. 

"The  satisfaction  which  one  gets  while  working  is  another  thing  which 
may  be  taken  into  account.  This  is  especially  true  because  other  criteria 
of  efficiency,  such  as  speed  and  accuracy,  do  not  show  a  direct  correspondence 
with  what  Professor  Thorndike  has  called  the  'satisfyingness'  of  work.  The 
long  and  continuous  performance  of  most  types  of  work  leads  to  a  falling 
off  in  accuracy  or  speed,  but  satisfyingness  generally  decreases  at  a  more 
rapid  rate  than  these  other  two.  It  is  possible  for  a  worker  to  become  utterly 
bored  and  disgusted  without  ^n  appreciable  loss  in  the  accuracy  or  speed 
of  his  performance.  Still,  it  is  important  to  know  of  the  development  of  that 
boredom  or  disgust,  because  it  may  indicate  a  coming  collapse  or  revolt 
which  may  be  of  far  more  importance  than  an  early  loss  in  accuracy  or 
speed."  ^® 

Measurement  of  efficiency  which  fails  to  take  into  account  the  long- 
run  effect  of  an  activity  is  short-sighted  indeed.  Fielding  maintains 
that  lack  of  interest  in  one's  work  sometimes  gives  rise  to  "nerves"  and 
that  intrinsic  interest  in  one's  work  is  a  cure  for  "nerves." 

"There  is  one  essential  requirement  in  making  arduous  work  nerve-proof, 
and  that  is  it  must  be  interesting.  This  does  not  make  it  consume  any 
less  energy,  but  it  means  that  work  then  becomes  a  source  of  satisfaction  to 
the  ego.  As  the  ego  is  a  factor  of  our  primitive  personality,  we  are  again 
brought  to  the  point  where  we  must  stress  the  necessity  of  coordinating  the 
social  and  primitive  sides  of  our  personality.  When  the  nature  of  our  work 
is  such  that  it  accomplishes  this  result,  there  is  no  danger  of  nervous  collapse 
from  overwork. 

"Comparatively  few  people,  however,  are  so  fortunate  as  to  have  this 
kind,  of  'job.'     With  the  rapid  specialization  of  industry  and  business,  the 


234  THE  PSYCHOLOGY  OF  PLAY  ACTIVITIES 

opportunities  for  expression  of  the  personality  and  gratification  of  the  ego 
at  one's  work  are  becoming  more  rare.  The  exceptions  are  to  be  found  mostly 
in  those  fields  that  are  devoted  to  experimentation  and  development,  or  that 
offer  free  play  to  the  individual's  initiative."  ^'' 

Those  who  have  chosen  their  occupation  in  accord  with  their  abili- 
ties and  interests  afford  evidence  of  the  increased  joy  in  living  that 
comes  from  finding  one's  "work." 

"We  all  have  our  work,  our  set  tasks  and  duties;  but  those  of  us  who 
get  the  most  out  of  life  are  they  whose  work  would  be  their  preferred  play, 
quite  apart  from  its  pursuit  as  a  means  of  livelihood."  ^^ 

The  writers  have  indicated  previously  that  the  problem  of  voca- 
tional guidance  is  a  complex  one.  To  perform  intelligent  guidance  the 
counselor  needs  rare  insight  and  specific  training.  He  must  be  able 
to  discover  the  traits  necessary  for  success  in  certain  occupations  and 
select  tests  which  will  measure  these  traits.  There  are  at  present 
several  tests  aiming  to  guide  pupils  into  highly  specialized  occupa- 
tions. However,  the  counselor  in  his  mathematical  diagnosis  of  ability 
must  not  overlook  a  most  important  factor  in  occupational  success, 
i.e.,  the  interest  factor.  Although  there  is  no  single,  standardized 
means  for  identifying  individual  interests,  the  present  writers  feel  that 
frequent  administration  of  the  Lehman  Play  Quiz  with  subsequent 
analyses  of  results  will  secure  data  that  wisely  used  will  aid  materially 
in  securing  maximum  occupational  success. 

REFERENCES 

1.  Mateer,  Florence.  The  Unstable  Child.  New  York.  D.  Appleton  and  Company. 
1924.     Pp.  xii-471.     (p.  169.) 

2.  Morgan,  John  J.  B.  The  Psychology  of  the  Unadjusted  School  Child.  New  York. 
The  Macmillan  Company.     1924.     Pp.  xi-300.     (p.  134.) 

3.  Lvman,  R.  L.  'The  Junior  High  Schools  of  Atlanta,  Georgia."  The  School 
Review.'  Oct.  1925.    33,  Pp.  S78-94.     (p.  592.) 

4.  Norsworthy,  Naomi,  and  Whitley,  Mary  T.  The  Psychology  of  Childhood.  New 
York.    The  Macmillan  Company.     1922.     Pp.  xix-375     (221  f.) 

5.  Bobbitt,  Frankhn.  How  to  Make  a  Curricjilum.  Boston,  Houghton  Mifflin  Co. 
1924.    292  pp.     (p.  8  f .) 

6.  Bobbitt,  Franklin,     op.  cit.     (p.  44.) 

7.  Quoted  by  Van  Denburg,  Joseph  K.,  in  The  Junior  High  School  Idea.  New  York. 
Henry  Holt  and'  Company.     1922.    423  pp.     (p.  4.) 

8.  Dorsey,  George  A.  Why  We  Behave  Like  Human  Beings.  New  York.  Harper 
Brothers.     1925.     Pp.  xv-512.     (p.  460.) 


RELATION  TO  EDUCATION  235 

9.  Thorndike,    E.    L.      Educational    Psychology.      (Briefer    Course.)      New    York 
Teachers  College,  Columbia  University.     1913.    Pp.  xii-442.     (p.  330.) 

10.  Thorndike,  E.  L.     op.  cit.     (p.  325.) 

11.  Thorndike,  E.  L.     op.  cit.     (p.  318.) 

12.  Thorndike,   E.   L.      Edv.cational  Psychology.     In   Three    Volumes.     New  York. 
Teachers  College,  Columbia  University.     1913.    Vol.  III.    p.  128. 

13.  Dewey,  John.    Interest  and  Effort  in  Education.     Boston,  Houghton  Mifflin  Co. 
1913.     Pp.  ix-101.     (p.  7.) 

14.  Burk,    Caroline    Frear.      "The    Collecting    Instinct."      Ped.    Sem.      July,    1900. 
7,  p.  180. 

15.  Thorndike,  E.  L.    "The  Permanence  of  Interests  and  Their  Relation  to  Abilities." 
Popular  Science  Monthly.    1912,  81,  p.  456. 

16.  Robinson,  E.  S.    "Factors  Affecting  Human  Efficiency."    Annals  of  The  American 
Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science     1923.     CX,  Philadelphia.     Pp.  94-105.     (p.  97.) 

17.  Fielding,  William  J.     The  Caveman  Within  Us.     New  York.     E.  P.  Button  and 
Co.     1922.     Pp.  xv-372.     (p.  162.) 

18.  Seashore,  Carl.     Introduction  to  Psychology.     New  York.     The  Macmillan  Co. 
1923.     Pp.  xviii-427.     (p.  280.) 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS  AND  NAMES 


Anderson,  133,  162. 
Andrus,  32,  34. 
Appleton,  21,  22,  26. 

Barnes,  Earl,  47. 

Barnes,  Mary,  46. 

Bobbitt,  226,  227,  234. 

Bowen,  7,  23,  25,  26,  48,  75. 

Breed,  18,  26. 

Briggs,  227. 

Burk,  166,  168,  187,  230,  235. 

Cabot,  25,  26,  103,  107. 
Cannon,  103,  107. 
Carr,  3,  6,  26. 
Chamberlain,  45,  75. 
Charters,  109,   121,   130,  131. 
Chase,  27,  31,  32,  33. 
Croswell,  28,  29,  30,  33,  36,  43, 
Curtis,  25,  48,  75,  131. 


I,  76. 


Darrah,  47. 

Davis,  223. 

Decker,  145,  162. 

Dewey,  2,  3]  5,  24,  26,  79,  81,  82,  107,  235. 

Dickson,  212. 

Dorsey,  26. 

Ebbinghaus,  11,  25. 

Fielding,  233,  235 
Franke,  1. 

Freeman,  v,  204,  211. 
Freud,  21,  22,  26. 

Gale,  96,   107. 

Gates,  195. 

Good,  16,  26. 

Groos,  12,  14,  17,  18,  19,  21,  25,  26,  81,  82. 

Guibert,  46. 

Gulick,  25,  48. 

Haggerty,  195. 
Hall,  19,  20,  26,  27. 
Heymans,   103. 
Hobhouse,  8,  25. 


237 


Hollingworth,  Leta  S.,  83,  107,  145,  162 

202,  212,  223. 
Holmes,  203,  211. 

Jennings,  5. 

Jesperson,  94,  107,  129,  131,  159,  162. 

Johnson,  26,  48,  75. 

Johnston,  34. 

Judd,  V,  5,    129,   131. 

Kames,  23. 
Kerlin,   159,   163. 
Kilpatrick,  5. 
Kirkpatrick,  48,  75,  76. 
Klapper,  203,  211. 

Lacassagne,  45. 
Lazarus,  23. 
Lee,  25,  48. 
Lesshaft,  46. 
Lewis,  213. 
Lyman,  225,  234. 

McCall,  223. 

Macdonald,  45. 

McDougall,  5,  6,  13,  14,  20,  25,  26. 

McGhee,  30,  31,  34,  36,  43. 

Mateer,  234. 

Meyer,  5. 

Mitchell,   7,   23,   25,   26,   48;   75. 

Monroe,  27,  33. 

Morgan,  224,  233,  234. 

Morrison,  96,   107. 

Muths,  23,  24. 

Naismith,  33,  34. 

Norsworthy,  13,  26,  169,  187,  234. 

Odum,  151,  163. 
O'Shea,  108,  121,  131. 

Patrick,  12,  13,  20,  22,  23,  25,  26. 
Peterson,   162. 
Pintner,  132,  162. 
Priestley,  16. 
Pringle,  76. 


238 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS  AND  NAMES 


Reaney,    147,   148,   163. 

Robinson,  E.  S.,  22,  25,  146,  162,  209,  211, 

235. 
Robinson,  F.  R.,  209,  211. 
Rousseau,  2. 

Schiller,  7,  8,  9,  10,  20,  25. 

Schwegler,  v. 

Scruggs,  151,  163. 

Seashore,  6,  18,  26,  81,  82,  152,  163,  235. 

Sheldon,  46. 

Shepard,  26. 

Slosson,  23,  26. 

Spencer,  7,  8,  9,  10,  11,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16, 

18,  20,  22,  25,  26. 
Stolt,  128. 


Terman,  31,  34,  83,  107,  215,  223. 

Thomas,  5. 

Thorndike,  3,  36,  43,  44,  75,  107,  165,  187, 

233,  235. 
Tigerstedt,  45. 

Valentine,  46. 
Van  Denburg,  234. 

Wannamaker,  195. 

Watson,  4,  5,  6. 

Whitley,  13,  26,  169,  187,  234. 

Wiersma,   103. 

Wise,  V,  41. 

Witty,  146,  162. 

Woodworth,  25,  74, 


INDEX  OF  TOPICS 


Acceleration,  203  f.,  208,  210,  216;  atti- 
tudes toward,  203  ff. 

Art,  play  versus,  11;  source  of  fine  art, 
16. 

Attitudes  toward  play.  If.,  3  ff. ;  early 
religious,   1  f . ;  present-day,  3  ff. 

Basket  ball,  181  fif. ;  participation  of  ernall 

boys,  183 ;  of  Negro  children,   160. 
Biological  theory  of  play,  21. 
Boxing,  154  f.,  219  f. 

California  Recreational  Survey,  34. 

Catharsis,  doctrine  of,  19. 

Chronological  age,  versatility  of  play  in- 
terest and,  58;  social  participation 
and,  69,  206. 

Church  and  Sunday  school  attendance, 
148. 

Classifications  of  growth  stages,  45  ff. 

Classification  of  play,  63,  78 ;  by  Monroe, 
28;  by  McGhee,  30;  by  the  present 
writers,  72  ff. ;  difficulty  of,  79. 

Cleveland  Recreational  Survey,  34  f.,  43. 

Collecting  and  hoarding,  167 ;  present-day 
tendency,  164  ff.,  167,  186,  230  ff. 

Community  differences.  {See  environ- 
mental differences.) 

Communities  studied,  41  ff. 

Compensation,   law  of,   145. 

Compensatory  function  of  plaj^  14  f.,  22, 
146  f.,  162. 

Competition,  activities  involving,  89  ff. 

Conservatism  in  play,  older  vs  younger 
children,  72  f . ;  sex  differences  in,  101, 
103. 

Continuity  of  variation.  (See  peri- 
odicity.) 

Corrective  plaj^  adjustments,   193. 

Country  children,  play  of,   108. 

Curriculum,  3,  78,  226  ff. ;  construction  of, 
78,  226  ff.,  227. 

Curriculum  Investigations,  226. 

Day-dream.     (See  compensatory  function 

of  play.) 
Desire  to  help,   79. 


Dexterity,   activities   involving,   89   ff. 
Discipline,  early  M.  E.,  1. 
Doctrine  of  catharsis,  19. 
Doctrine  of  total  depravity,  1. 
Dogs,  play  of,  14  f. 
Dramatization,  animal,  14. 

Economic  status,  influence  upon  play, 
160  ff. 

Environmental  differences,  108;  anty- 
over,  119;  basket  ball,  183;  black- 
man,  117  f.;  bicycle  riding,  114,  117; 
boxing,  156;  church  and  Sunday 
school  attendance,  148  ff. ;  climbing 
activities,  116;  football,  183;  gum- 
chewing,  184;  horseback  riding,  115; 
hunting.  111;  in  intelligence,  124; 
just  singing,  125  ;  marbles,  173  ;  movie 
attendance,  110;  social  participation, 
142  f . ;  shooting  a  gun,  109 ;  teeter- 
totter,  120;  versatility  of  play  inter- 
est,  121;  whistling,  128. 

Evolution,  16. 

Experience,  desire  for  new,  80. 

Fantasy.     (See  compensatory  function  of 

play.) 
Felt  need.     (See  interest.) 
Football,    182. 
Freudian  theories  of  play,  21  ff. 

Gang.     (See  social  participation.) 

Gary  Recreational  Survey,  34. 

Gifted  children,  216 ;  social  participation 
of,  217 ;  versatility  of  play  interest 
of,   217. 

Going  to  the  movies,  228. 

Grade  skipping,  203-209. 

Growth  stages,  44  ff.  (See  also  peri- 
odicity.) 

Growth  stages  in  play  behavior,  49  ff. 

Guidance  of  play,  224. 

Gum-chewing,  61 ;  neighborhood  cliff er- ' 
ences  in,  184. 

Handsprings,  171. 


239 


240 


INDEX  OF  TOPICS 


Hide-and-seek,  (Q.. 

Hiding  games,   100. 

Hoarding.  (See  collecting  and  hoard- 
ing.) 

Home  activities  best  liked  by  young 
children,  11  flf. 

Home  play  versus  school  play,  11 . 

Home  training,  influence  upon  play,   184. 

Imagination,  play  of,  9.  (See  also  com- 
pensatory function  of  play.) 

Index  of  social  participation.  (See  social 
participation.) 

Indianapolis  Recreational  Survey,  34. 

Indirect   responses,   94. 

Individual  diflferences,  iii,  63,  68  f.,  188 
ff. ;  in  versatility  of  play  interests, 
75,   189;   in  social  participation,   191. 

Individualistic  play,  55,  74. 

Indoor  baseball,  185. 

Ipswich  Report,  34. 

Instinct  theory  of  play,  20. 

Intelligence  and  play,  212 ;  versatility  of 
play  interest  and,  214  f . ;  social  par- 
ticipation and,  213. 

Interest,  importance  of  utilizing,  229. 

Interest  and  vocational  guidance,  230. 

Jacks,  178. 

Journal  of  Applied  Psychology,  44,   141. 

Journal  of  Educational  Psychology,  203, 

216. 
Journal  of  Religious  Education,  148. 
Jumping  rope,  60. 
Just  hiking  or   strolling,  83. 
Just  singing,  125. 

Kansas  City,  Mo.,  children  studied,  187. 
Kittens,  play  of,  14. 

Lawrence,  Kan.,  children  studied,  187 ; 
play  of,   180  flf. 

Local  play  manifestions.  (See  environ- 
mental  differences.) 

Madison  Recreational  Survey,  34. 
Make-believe    play.      (See    compensatory 

function  of  play.) 
Maladjustment  in  play,  iv,  204  f. 
Marbles,   172  £f. 
Mental   age,   212   flf. ;    social   participation 

and,  214;  versatility  of  play  interest 

and,  214. 


Methods    used    for    studying    play,    27  ff. 

(See   also   Techniques   employed   for 

studying  play.) 
Mimic  dances,  16. 
Mimic  play  of  animals,  14. 
Movies,  228. 
Music,  interest  in,  61. 


Negro  children,  play  of.  (See  race 
diflferences.) 

Neighborhood  differences  in  play.  (See 
environmental  differences.) 

New  approach  to  study  of  play,  35  flf.  . 

Newspaper  reading,  227. 

New  York   Recreational  Survey,  34. 

Number  of  individuals  studied,  children 
below  grade  III,  43 ;  cit}^  children, 
42 ;  country  children,  42 ;  Kansas 
City,  Mo.,  children,  187 ;  Lawrence 
children,    187 ;    Negro   children,    133. 


Only  child,  222. 
Opportunity  and  play,   121. 


Peaks,  ages  at  which  play  curves  reach, 
70. 

Pedagogical  Seminar v,  59,   108,   133,   172, 
190. 

Peoria  Recreational  Survey,  34. 

Periodicity,  44-49,  54,  60,  61-69,  13  f.,  83, 
165  f.,  186,  196. 

Personal  observation  of  play,  32. 

Philosophy  of  education,  1  f. 

Play,  a  complex  phenomenon,  7 ;  a  constit- 
uent of  growth,  3  f . ;  82  f . ;  a  direct 
educative  agent,  3,  18;  a  mechanism 
of  individual  adjustment,  4;  artistic 
production  and,  5,  9  f .,  15 ;  attitudes 
toward,  1  flf. ;  conditions  under  which 
it  occurs,  24;  destiny  of  empires  and, 
5 ;  individualistic  play,  54 ;  injurious 
forms  of,  iv,  17;  play  of  animals,  21 
of  older  vs  younger  children,  75 
plays  of  fancy,  9 ;  prohibition  of,  1 
subjective  nature  of,  1 ;  work  vs  play, 
8.  (See  also  environmental  differ- 
ences, race  differences,  seasonal  dif- 
ferences, supervision,  techniques  for 
study,  etc.) 

Playground,  The,  1. 


INDEX  OF  TOPICS 


241 


Playground  space  and  equipment,  184. 

Play  Quiz,  development  of,  36  fif;  ac- 
tivities comprising,  2i7  fif. ;  summary 
of  directions  employed  for  adminis- 
tering, Zl . 

Playing  school,  144. 

Poetry,  156. 

Pooling  or  averaging  opinions,  ZZ. 

Practice  theory  of  play,  17. 

Preliminary  studies,  35  fif.,   75  f. 

Present  findings,  49  fif. 

Progress  quotient,  205  fif;  social  partici- 
pation, and,  205  f . ;  versatility  of  play 
interest  and,  205. 

Project  method,  relation  to  play,  230. 

Psychological  Rcviciu,  145,   164. 

Psychopathic  child,  play  of,  224. 

Questionnaire    method,    27  fif. ;    criticisms 

of,  31  f.,  Z6. 
Quiescence,  15,  24. 
Quiz.     (See  Play  Quiz.) 

Race  differences,  132  ff.  ;'in  basket  ball, 
160 ;  boxing,  153  fif. ;  church  and  Sun- 
day school  attendance,  148 ;  educa- 
tional attainment,  146;  making  or 
using  a  wireless  apparatus,  160 ; 
Negro  schools  and  communities 
studied,  133 ;  playing  school,  145  ;  rid- 
ing in  an  auto,  160;  watching  ath- 
letic sports,  160. 

Reading  of  gifted  vs  normal  children, 
218;  of  newspapers,  227;  sex  differ- 
ences in,  94. 

Recapitulation  theory  of  play,  19  f . 

Recreational  surveys,  Z3  f. 

Recreational  theory  of  play,  23  fif. 

Redirection  of  play,  192  ff. 

Relaxation  theory  of  play,  23  ff. 

Religious  conviction  and  play,'l. 

Rural   children's   play  interests,    108. 

School  progress  and  play,  205  ff. 

Seasonal  differences,  196  ff. ;  activities 
showing  little,  199 ;  activities  showing 
much,  197  f . ;  activities  showing  no, 
196 ;  sex  differences  and,  197 ;  transi- 
toriness  and,  65 ;  versatility  of  play 
interests  and,  70. 

Sedentary  activities,  93. 

Sex  differences,  83 ;  ages  of  greatest, 
104;  at  ages  5>4  to  8>^,  90  ff;  at 
ages  8^   to   12j^,   87;    in  conserva- 


tism, 100,  103;  in  intelligence,  83;  in 
older  individuals,  92  f . ;  in  seasonal 
plays,  197;  in  social  participation, 
191;  in  speech  defects,  94;  in  varia- 
bility, 100;  in  versatility  of  play  in- 
terest, 201 ;   in  younger  children,   78. 

Sex  likenesses  in  play,  87. 

Singing,  125. 

Social  participation,  v;  chronological  age 
and,  67  f .,  68,  74,  206 ;  index  of,  141 ; 
individual  differences  in,  191 ;  mental 
age  and,  215 ;  of  gifted  children  vs 
normal,  217;  progress  in  school  and, 
208  ff. ;  race  differences  in,  142  f ., 
161 ;  scholarship  and,  145,  161 ;  sex 
differences  in,  190;  town  vs  country, 
142  f. 

Social  status,  effect  upon  play,  160. 

Solitary  child,  224.-  (See  also  social 
participation.) 

Sunday  school  attendance,   148. 

Supervision  of  play,  224. 

Supplementary  Educational  Monograph, 
225. 

Suppression  of  play,  folly  of,  2 ;  in  city, 
131. 

Surplus-energy   theory   of    play,   8  ff. 

Surveys  of  play,  2)i  f. 

Syllabi  for  child  study,  28  f.     - 

Techniques  employed  for  studying  play, 
27  ff. ;   checking   from  a  printed  list, 

30  ff. ;    direct    personal    observation, 

31  ff. ;  historical  sketch  of,  27  ff. ; 
findings  a  function  of,  32 ;  Play  Quiz 
technique,  35  ff. ;  pooling  or  averag- 
ing opinions,  Z2) ;  questionnaire, 
27  ff. ;  recreational  surveys,  22)  f . 

Theories  of  play,  7  ff. ;  biological  theory, 
21 ;  catharsis  theory,  19 ;  compensa- 
tory theory,  14  f.,  22,  146,  162  ff. ; 
evaluation  of  Spencer's  discussion, 
9  ff. ;  pleasure  principle,  22 ;  practice 
theory,  17  ff. ;  recapitulation  theory, 
20 ;  recreation  theory,  23 ;  relaxation 
theory,  23 ;  repetition  principle,  22 ; 
ripening  of  instincts,  20 ;  Schiller- 
Spencer,    7  ff. ;    surplus-energy,    7  ff. 

Transitoriness,  44  ff.  (See  also  period- 
icity.) 

Town  vs  country  children,  107  ff.  (See 
also    environmental    differences.) 


242 


INDEX  OF  TOPICS 


Turning  handsprings,  cartwheels,  etc., 
171. 

Variability,  group,  71 ;  individual,  190  f . ; 
male,  201;  of  younger  children,  7o; 
sex  differences  in,  101. 

Variation,  continuity  of.  (See  period- 
icity.) 

Versatility  of  play  interest  at  various 
age  levels,  58,  70,  190,  207;  age 
of  greatest,  70  f. ;  gifted  vs  normal 


children,  217;  girls  vs  boys,  200  f . ; 
intelligence  and,  211;  mental  age  and, 
215 ;  of  young  children,  74 ;  school 
progress  and,  203,  205,  208;  town 
vs  country  children,  121 ;  young  chil- 
dren vs  older,  74. 
Vocational  guidance,  234. 

Whistling,  125,  128. 
Writing  poems,  156. 

Young  children,  play  of,  77  ff. 


v^ 


